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Theresa May: 'This Conservative Party must pledge to renew the British Dream in this country', Conservative Party Conference Speech - 2017

December 5, 2017

4 October 2017, London, USA

A persistent cough, collapsing set and a prankster with a P45, the speech was reported for its disasters. Here it is in its entirety.

A little over forty years ago in a small village in Oxfordshire, I signed up to be a member of the Conservative Party. I did it because it was the party that had the ideas to build a better Britain.  It understood the hard work and discipline necessary to see them through.

And it had at its heart a simple promise that spoke to me, my values and my aspirations: that each new generation in our country should be able to build a better future. That each generation should live the British Dream. And that dream is what I believe in.

But what the General Election earlier this year showed is that, forty years later, for too many people in our country that dream feels distant, our party’s ability to deliver it is in question, and the British Dream that has inspired generations of Britons feels increasingly out of reach.

Now I called that election. And I know that all of you in this hall – your friends and your families – worked day and night to secure the right result. Because of your hard work we got 2.3 million more votes and achieved our highest vote share in 34 years. That simply would not have been possible without the long days and late nights, the phone calls, the leaflet drops. The weekends and evenings spent knocking on doors. So for everything that you do, let me say – thank you.

But we did not get the victory we wanted because our national campaign fell short. It was too scripted. Too presidential. And it allowed the Labour Party to paint us as the voice of continuity, when the public wanted to hear a message of change. I hold my hands up for that. I take responsibility. I led the campaign. And I am sorry.

But the choice before us now is clear: Do we give up, spend our time looking back? Or do we do our duty, look to the future and give the country the government it needs?  This country will judge us harshly if we get this decision wrong.

Because all that should ever drive us is the duty we have to Britain and the historic mission of this party – this Conservative Party – to renew the British Dream in each new generation. That dream that says each generation should do better than the one before it. Each era should be better than the last. The dream that, for decades, has inspired people from around the world to come to Britain. To make their home in Britain. To build their lives in Britain. The dream that means the son of a bus driver from Pakistan serves in a Conservative Cabinet alongside the son of a single mother from a council estate in South-West London. And in a way, that dream is my story too.

I know that people think I’m not very emotional. I’m not the kind of person who wears their heart on their sleeve. And I don’t mind being called things like the Ice Maiden – though perhaps George Osborne took the analogy a little far.  But let me tell you something. My grandmother was a domestic servant, who worked as a lady’s maid below stairs. She worked hard and made sacrifices, because she believed in a better future for her family. And that servant – that lady’s maid – among her grandchildren boasts three professors and a prime minister. 

That is why the British Dream inspires me. Why that dream of progress between the generations spurs me on. And it is why today at this conference, this Conservative Party must pledge to renew the British Dream in this country once again. To renew that dream is my purpose in politics. My reason for being. The thing that drives me on. And it has never wavered through good times and hard times. My belief that this Conservative government can renew it has always remained strong.  

For whenever we are tested as a nation, this party steps up to the plate. Seven years ago, our challenge was to repair the damage of Labour’s great recession – and we did it. The deficit is down. Spending is under control. And our economy is growing again. But we didn’t limit ourselves to that ambition. We have achieved so much more. 

An income tax cut for over 30 million people. Four million taken out of paying it at all. Employment up to a record high. Unemployment down to a historic low. Income inequality at its lowest for thirty years. More women in work than ever before.

Over 11,000 more doctors in our NHS. Over 11,000 more nurses on our hospital wards. Free childcare for 3 and 4 year olds doubled. 1.8 million more children in good or outstanding schools. 3 million more apprenticeships. Crime down by more than a third.

More young people from disadvantaged backgrounds going to university than at any time in the history of our country. Britain leading the world in tackling climate change, eradicating global poverty, and countering terrorism wherever it rears its head. Same sex marriage on the statute book, so that two people who love each other can get married, no matter what their gender…

And a National Living Wage – giving a pay rise to the lowest earners – introduced not by the Labour Party, but by us, the Conservative Party. So let us never allow the Left to pretend they have a monopoly on compassion. This is the good a Conservative Government can do – and we should never let anyone forget it.

But it’s easy when you’ve been in government for a while to fall into the trap of defending your record, and standing for the status quo. Yes, we’re proud of the progress we have made, but the world doesn’t stand still. 

Change, as Disraeli taught us, is constant and inevitable. And we must bend it to our will. That means staking out an agenda for Britain – and uniting behind it too. And the agenda that I laid out on day one as prime minister still holds. It burns inside me just the same. 

Because at its core, it’s about sweeping away injustice – the barriers that mean for some the British Dream is increasingly out of reach. About saying what matters is not where you are from or who your parents are. The colour of your skin. Whether you’re a man or a woman, rich or poor. From the inner city or an affluent suburb. How far you go in life should depend on you and your hard work.

That is why I have always taken on vested interests when they are working against the interests of the people. Called out those who abuse their positions of power and given a voice to those who have been ignored or silenced for too long.     

And when people ask me why I put myself through it – the long hours, the pressure, the criticism and insults that inevitably go with the job – I tell them this: I do it to root out injustice and to give everyone in our country a voice. That’s why when I reflect on my time in politics, the things that make me proud are not the positions I have held, the world leaders I have met, the great global gatherings to which I have been, but knowing that I made a difference. That I helped those who couldn’t be heard.

Like the families of the 96 men, women and children who tragically lost their lives at Hillsborough. For years they saw people in authority closing ranks and acting against them, but now they are on the way to seeing justice served. 

That’s what I’m in this for. Like the victims and survivors of Child Sexual Abuse, ignored for years by people in positions of power, now on the long road to the truth. That’s what I’m in this for.

Like Alexander Paul, a young man who came to this conference three years ago to tell his story. The story of a young black boy growing up in modern Britain who without causing any trouble – without doing anything wrong – found himself being stopped and searched by people in authority time and time and time again. 

Alexander spoke so eloquently about his experience and how he came to mistrust those in positions of power as a result. So inspired by his example, we took action. We shook up the system, and the number of black people being stopped and searched has fallen by over two thirds. I am sad to have to tell you that last year, Alexander – who inspired us all with his passion – was diagnosed with brain cancer. And in June of this year he tragically passed away. He was just 21. Let us today remember the courage he showed in coming to our conference to speak out against injustice, take pride that we gave him a platform – and inspired by his example, redouble our efforts to give a voice to the voiceless at every opportunity. That’s what I’m in this for.

And that same commitment is the reason why one of my first acts as Prime Minister was to establish the ground-breaking racial disparity audit – investigating how a person’s race affects their treatment by public services, so that we can take action and respond.

We already know, for example, that members of Black and Minority Ethnic communities have a higher risk of illnesses such as high blood pressure that may lead to the need for an organ transplant.

But our ability to help people who need transplants is limited by the number of organ donors that come forward. That is why last year 500 people died because a suitable organ was not available. And there are 6,500 on the transplant list today. So to address this challenge that affects all communities in our country, we will change that system. Shifting the balance of presumption in favour of organ donation. Working on behalf of the most vulnerable. That’s what I’m in this for. 

It’s why after seeing the unimaginable tragedy unfold at Grenfell Tower, I was determined that we should get to the truth. Because Grenfell should never have happened – and should never be allowed to happen again. So we must learn the lessons: understanding not just what went wrong but why the voice of the people of Grenfell had been ignored over so many years. That’s what the public inquiry will do. And where any individual or organisation is found to have acted negligently, justice must be done. That’s what I’m in this for.

And because in this – as in other disasters before it – bereaved and grieving families do not get the support they need, we will introduce an independent public advocate for major disasters. An advocate to act on behalf of bereaved families to support them at public inquests and inquiries. The strong independent voice that victims need. That’s what I’m in this for.

It’s why tackling the injustice and stigma associated with mental health is a particular priority for me. So we are building on our record of giving mental and physical health parity in law by investing more in mental health than ever before. But there is widespread concern that the existing Mental Health legislation passed more three decades ago is leading to shortfalls in services and is open to misuse. Detention rates under the Mental Health Act are too high. And it is people from black and minority ethnic populations who are affected the most. So today I can announce that I have asked Professor Sir Simon Wessely to undertake an independent review of the Mental Health Act, so that we can tackle the longstanding injustices of discrimination in our mental health system once and for all. That’s what I’m in this for.

This is the Conservatism I believe in. A Conservatism of fairness and justice and opportunity for all. A Conservatism that keeps the British Dream alive for a new generation. That’s what I’m in this for. That’s what we must all be in this for. 

And we must come together to fight for this mainstream Conservative agenda. To win the battle of ideas in a new generation all over again. For those ideas are being tested. And at stake are the very things we value.

Our precious union of nations – four nations that are stronger as one – threatened by those with their narrow, nationalist agendas that seek to drive us apart. The strength of our society, in which we understand the obligations and responsibilities we have to one another, under attack from militant forces who preach animosity and hate. The free-market economy – for so long the basis of our prosperity and security. An idea that has lifted millions around the world out of poverty – called into question by those who would imperil our future by adopting the failed experiments of the past.

That idea of free and open markets, operating under the right rules and regulations, is precious to us. It’s the means by which we generate our prosperity as a nation, and improve the living standards of all our people. It has helped to cement Britain’s influence as a force for good in the world.

It has underpinned the rules-based international system that helped rebuild post-war Europe and the world beyond. It has ushered in the fall of the Berlin Wall; the end of communism, and the dark days of the Iron Curtain; securing the advance of freedom across Europe and across the world. It has inspired 70 years of prosperity, raising living standards for hundreds of millions of people right across the globe.

So don’t try and tell me that free markets are no longer fit for purpose. That somehow they’re holding people back. Don’t try and tell me that the innovations they have encouraged – the advances they have brought – the mobile phone, the internet, pioneering medical treatments, the ability to travel freely across the world – are worth nothing.

The free market – and the values of freedom, equality, rights, responsibilities, and the rule of law that lie at its heart – remains the greatest agent of collective human progress ever created. So let us win this argument for a new generation and defend free and open markets with all our might.  Because there has rarely been a time when the choice of futures for Britain is so stark. The difference between the parties so clear.

And it’s the Conservative Party that has a vision of an open, global, self-confident Britain, while our opponents flirt with a foreign policy of neutrality and prepare for a run on the pound. Some people say we’ve spent too much time talking about Jeremy Corbyn’s past. So let’s talk about his present instead. 

This is a politician who wants to pile on taxes to business just when we need them to invest in our country the most. This is a politician who wants to borrow hundreds of billions of pounds to nationalise industries without the slightest idea of how much it will cost or how he will ever pay it back. This is a politician who wants to strip us of our nuclear deterrent, without being honest with voters about his plans. This is a politician who lets anti-Semitism, misogyny and hatred run free, while he doesn’t do a thing to stop it. This is a politician who thinks we should take the economics of Venezuela as our role-model.

No… Jeremy Corbyn.

By contrast, when I look around the cabinet table, I have confidence that we have a team full of talent, drive and compassion. A team that is determined that this party – this great Conservative Party – will tackle the challenges of the future together. A team that is determined we will always do our duty by our country.

And our first and most important duty is to get Brexit right. The people have decided. We have taken their instruction. Britain is leaving the European Union in March 2019.

I know some find the negotiations frustrating. But if we approach them in the right spirit – in a spirit of cooperation and friendship, with our sights set firmly on the future – I am confident we will find a deal that works for Britain and Europe too. And let’s be clear about the agreement we seek. It’s the agreement I set out earlier this year at Lancaster House and again in my speech in Florence ten days ago.

It’s a new deep and special partnership between a strong, successful European Union and a sovereign United Kingdom. A partnership that allows us to continue to trade and cooperate with each other, because we see shared challenges and opportunities ahead. But a partnership that ensures the United Kingdom is a sovereign nation once again. A country in which the British people are firmly in control.

I believe it is profoundly in all our interests for the negotiations to succeed. But I know that are some are worried whether we are prepared in the event that they do not. It is our responsibility as a government to prepare for every eventuality. And let me reassure everyone in this hall – that is exactly what we are doing.   So a deep and special partnership is our ambition and our offer. And I look forward to that offer receiving a positive response.

And let me say one more thing – because it cannot be said often enough. If you are a citizen of the EU who has made their life in this country, I know you will feel unsettled and nervous. But let me be clear that we value the contribution you make to the life of our country. You are welcome here. And I urge the negotiating teams to reach agreement on this quickly because we want you to stay.    

Whatever the outcome of our negotiations, Britain’s long-term future is bright. The British Dream is still within reach. For as we look to that future, we do so with the fundamentals of our country strong.

Ten years after Northern Rock, our economy is back on track. The deficit is back to pre-crisis levels, we are firmly on course to get our national debt falling and business investment is growing. The work to get there hasn’t been easy. It’s meant big decisions and huge sacrifices. I know the public sector has had to carry a heavy burden. The private sector has played its part too. But with government, businesses and the public sector working together, we have bounced back – creating record numbers of jobs, and getting more people into work than ever before.  

So while we will never hesitate to act where businesses aren’t operating as they should, let this party celebrate the wealth creators, the risk takers, the innovators and entrepreneurs – the businesses large and small – who generate jobs and prosperity for our country, and make British business the envy of the world. Because we understand that it is the wealth creators whose taxes fuel our public services. It is their success that funds the things we want to do. 

And the difference between us and Labour is that we understand that to deliver the things we want, private enterprise is crucial. That you can’t get something for nothing. Prosperity is key. And when politicians offer the earth but have no means of delivering their promises, disillusionment with politics only grows. 

So over the years ahead this government will adopt a balanced approach to the economy – dealing with our debts, keeping taxes low, but investing in our priorities too. Things like our vital public services, our schools, our police, housing, and our great national achievement, our NHS. Let us not forget that it is this party that has invested in the National Health Service and upheld its founding principles through more years in government than any other.

For we understand that the NHS doesn’t just bring us into this world, make us well if we fall ill, and nurse and care for our families through their final hours. It doesn’t just bear witness to moments of joy and to times of intense sorrow. It is the very essence of solidarity in our United Kingdom. An institution we value. A symbol of our commitment to each other, between young and old, those who have and those who do not, the healthy and the sick. 

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Like most people in this hall, it has been there for me when I have needed it. I have early childhood memories of visiting my family GP. More recently, it was the NHS that diagnosed my type 1 diabetes and taught me how to manage it so I could get on with my life. And in recent months, I have seen it at its most brilliant – in the world-class response shown by the doctors, nurses and paramedics when terrorists struck London and Manchester.

To them all – and indeed to the public servants everywhere who so often go unsung – let me say this: for your service, your hard work and for your dedication – thank you. So I rely on the NHS. I believe in the NHS. And because we believe in ensuring that a world class NHS will be there for generations to come, we will increase funding per head for every year of this parliament, we will oversee the biggest expansion in training for doctors and nurses, and we will always support the service to deliver safe, high quality care for all – free at the point of use. That’s what our balanced approach to the economy will help us to do.

With our economic foundation strong – and economic confidence restored – the time has come to focus on Britain’s next big economic challenge: to foster growth that works for everyone, right across our country. That means keeping taxes low, spreading prosperity to all corners of this United Kingdom, and getting out into the world to trade, export and help our economy grow.  

So as the world’s leading advocate for free markets and free trade, we will pursue new free trade agreements with countries around the world. As we roll out our modern industrial strategy, we will attract and invest in new high-paid, high-skilled jobs – spreading prosperity and opportunity to every part of this country. Tackling our economy’s weaknesses like low levels of productivity, backing our nation’s strengths, and bringing investment, jobs and opportunities to communities that feel they have been forgotten for far too long.

We will continue to reform education and skills training so that people growing up in Britain today are ready and able to seize the opportunities ahead. Starting in our schools – those great drivers of social mobility – where our record is strong and our legacy is proud. Because our reforms are working. And after years of stagnation under the last Labour Government, we are turning things around. But there is more to do. Our reform programme goes on. Because it’s simply not good enough that if you live here in the North, you have less chance of attending a good school than someone living in the South.

So we will extend the Free Schools programme for a new generation of young people – building 100 new Free Schools in every year of this Parliament. Not because our ideology says so… but because Free Schools work. And it’s the right thing to do.    

And we need to bring that same energy to skills training too. Preparing our young people for the world of the future. Setting them up to succeed. Taking skills seriously with new T-levels for post-16 education, a new generation of Technology Institutes in every major city in England – providing the skills local employers need, and more technical training for 16-19 year olds. A first-class technical education system for the first time in the history of Britain. Keeping the British Dream alive.

That’s how we will prepare Britain for an open, global future. I know that some young people worry that Brexit means we’re turning our back on the world. That Britain will no longer be open, but closed. But we reject both the isolationism of the hard-left and those who would have us turn inward, and we choose a global Britain instead.

As Asia booms and the world looks to the East, we will reach beyond the borders of Europe to become a trusted friend to nations all around the world. We will meet our commitments to international security, with the finest armed forces and intelligence services anywhere on the planet. We will build an outward looking Britain that cooperates with other nations to tackle the great challenges of our time like mass migration, modern slavery and climate change. And we will provide a moral lead in the world, and set an example for others.

Meeting our commitments on security: committing fully to the NATO alliance and spending 2% of our GDP on defence. Remaining firmly committed to renewing our independent nuclear deterrent, to help uphold the security of the world. And leading the world in cracking down on modern slavery – because if you are buying and selling another human being, you are undermining all that is right. The very basis of our humanity.And we must bring this outrage to an end. 

And under this government, we will continue to meet the international aid target, spending 0.7% of our GNI on international development. That’s not just because it’s good for Britain, but because it is the right thing to do.

Today, UK Aid is being used to bring food to starving children in conflict zones like Syria and Iraq. UK Aid is being used to bring water to drought stricken parts of Africa. UK Aid is helping to educate women and girls in parts of Asia where that most basic of human rights has been denied to them for so long. Yes, charity may begin at home, but our compassion is not limited to those who carry the same passport. We should be proud that under a Conservative Government, this country is one of the few that is meeting its duty to some of the poorest people in our world. And as Prime Minister, I will ensure that’s something Britain always continues to do.

But let me also be clear: it is absurd that international organisations say we can’t use the money to help all those that have been hit by the recent Hurricanes in the British Overseas Territories. Many people on those islands have been left with nothing. And if we must change the rules on international aid in order to recognise the particular needs of these communities when disaster strikes, then that’s what we will do. 

This then is the Britain we choose. Not a Britain that retreats behind its borders, but a global Britain that stands tall in the world. A beacon of hope and an example to others. A modern, compassionate Britain that we can all be proud to call home. 

And we must renew the British Dream at home through a determined programme of economic and social reform. A programme that champions our belief in free markets by being prepared to reform them when they don’t work. That ensures our economy and society work for everyone in every part of this country, not just the privileged few. Because for too many, the British Dream feels increasingly out of reach. 

The effects of the financial crisis – nearly a decade of low growth, stagnating wages and pay restraint – linger. The boom in the housing market means that while some have done very well, for many the chance of getting onto the housing ladder has become a distant dream. And it’s that fact, perhaps more than any other, that means for too many the British Dream is increasingly out of reach.

Just over a decade ago, 59% of 25-34 year olds owned their own home. Today it is just 38%. It has always been a great sadness for me and Philip that we were never blessed with children. It seems some things in life are just never meant to be. But I believe in the dream that life should be better for the next generation as much as any mother. Any father. Any grandparent. The only difference is that I have the privileged position of being able to do more than most to bring that dream to life.

So I will dedicate my premiership to fixing this problem – to restoring hope. To renewing the British Dream for a new generation of people. And that means fixing our broken housing market. 

For 30 or 40 years we simply haven’t built enough homes. As a result, prices have risen so much that the average home now costs almost 8 times average earnings. And that’s been a disaster for young people in particular. We have begun to put this right. The number of new homes being delivered each year has increased significantly since 2010. Our Housing White Paper set out plans to increase it further, ensuring councils release more land for housing, and giving them new powers to ensure that developers actually build homes once they’re given planning permission to do so. And because it will take time for greater housebuilding to translate into more affordable house prices, we have introduced schemes like Help to Buy to support people who are struggling right now.

But the election result showed us that this is not nearly enough. We’ve listened and we’ve learned. So this week, the Chancellor announced that we will help over 130,000 more families with the deposit they need to buy their own home by investing a further £10 billion in Help to Buy. 

We have announced measures to give the increasing number of families who rent from a private landlord more security – and effective redress if their landlord is not maintaining their property. And today, I can announce that we will invest an additional £2 billion in affordable housing – taking the Government’s total affordable housing budget to almost £9 billion.

 We will encourage councils as well as housing associations to bid for this money and provide certainty over future rent levels. And in those parts of the country where the need is greatest, allow homes to be built for social rent, well below market level. Getting government back into the business of building houses. A new generation of council houses to help fix our broken housing market. So whether you’re trying to buy your own home, renting privately and looking for more security, or have been waiting for years on a council list, help is on the way.

It won’t be quick or easy, but as Prime Minister I am going to make it my mission to solve this problem. I will take personal charge of the government’s response, and make the British Dream a reality by reigniting home ownership in Britain once again.  

And let me say one more thing. I want to send the clearest possible message to our house builders. We, the government, will make sure the land is available. We’ll make sure our young people have the skills you need. In return, you must do your duty to Britain and build the homes our country needs.

And to renew the British Dream for a new generation of young people we must also take action on student debt. As Conservatives, we know education can be the key to unlocking the future. That’s why for more than a century, it has been Conservative Education Secretaries who have driven the reforms that have widened access and raised standards. And it’s why we want everyone to have the opportunity to benefit from studying more after they leave school. Because it’s good for them and good for the country too.

But today, young people take on a huge amount of debt to do so. And if we’re honest, some don’t know what they get from it in return.

We have listened and we have learned. So we will undertake a major review of university funding and student financing. We will scrap the increase in fees that was due next year, and freeze the maximum rate while the review takes place. And we will increase the amount graduates can earn before they start repaying their fees to £25,000 – putting money back into the pockets of graduates with high levels of debt.  

For while we are in favour of free markets, we will always take action to fix them when they’re broken. We will always take on monopolies and vested interests when they are holding people back. And one of the greatest examples in Britain today is the broken energy market.

Because the energy market punishes loyalty with higher prices. And the most loyal customers are often those with lower incomes: the elderly, people with lower qualifications and people who rent their homes. Those who for whatever reason, are unable to find the time to shop around. That’s why next week, this Government will publish a Draft Bill to put a price cap on energy bills. Meeting our manifesto promise.  And bringing an end to rip-off energy prices once and for all. 

So we have a big task before us. An agenda to follow. A duty to uphold. To renew the British Dream for a new generation, and bring our country together again. For a country that’s divided can never make the most of its potential. And we need to harness that potential if we’re to compete and succeed in the years ahead.

That’s why where others seek to bring division, we must stand united. Recognising as Jo Cox put it that we have more in common than what divides us. It’s why I will always be proud to call myself a Unionist – and proud to be the leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party too. Because that word means something special to me. It stands for this great union of nations that has so much to offer the world. And it stands for this great union of people – people from all over the world who have made their homes here and are proud to call themselves British. Attracted by the strength of the British Dream. We are an example to the world of how people of different colours and creeds can live side-by-side. And we celebrate that. 

And as a proud Unionist, I take comfort that the General Election saw the threat of nationalism set back, the case for a second referendum in Scotland denied. And wasn’t it a brilliant result for the Scottish Conservatives and their superb leader, Ruth Davidson? 

Together, quite simply, we are stronger. So we must unite the country around our Conservative vision of a global, prosperous Britain in which the British Dream is alive. That means showing that we’re determined to make a difference. To doing something, not being someone. To doing our duty by Britain again. Because people are fed-up with the game-playing, the name-calling. The refusal to listen to the other’s point of view. We can look around the world and see where this approach to politics gets us – anger, recrimination and polarisation too. 

So we must – all of us – look inside. Consider how we conduct our politics in this country. And find a better way. For there is a big problem in our politics when an MP from one party refuses to be friends with those of another. There is a problem in our politics when a leading journalist from our national broadcaster has to hire bodyguards just to be able to do her job. There is a problem when one of our two great political parties is so riven with the stain of anti-semitism that even one of its own council leaders questions if they will be welcome in his city again.

Let me be clear: racism, intolerance and hatred has no place in British politics or British society. This party will never permit it. We will always stamp it out. Britain can do better than this. For this country is – and has always been – the home of tolerance, a bastion of freedom and a beacon of democracy. And this city of Manchester knows it better than anyone. Because four months ago, this city came under attack from those who hate our country and despise our values.

The liberty we extend to everyone, whoever they are and wherever they are from. The way in which our society is open, accepting, and tolerant of others. The fact that we celebrate diversity and champion difference. The way we encourage people from all backgrounds and beliefs to live their lives in freedom. To be all they want to be. And because of this hatred, they chose to take out their rage on the defenceless and vulnerable. The innocent and the young.

Let us be in no doubt: the responsibility for such an outrage lies with no one other than those who planned it, and those who saw it through. And this party, which knows the terrible toll of terrorism all too well, will never seek to justify or excuse such acts of terror. We will stand strong in the face of terrorism and ensure our values always prevail.

But what we remember most from the cowardly attack on the Manchester Arena is the response of the Spirit of Manchester. People throwing open their doors to strangers, giving them a place to shelter. Taxi drivers helping people get home safely, accepting no fare in return. Ordinary people rushing to the scene of destruction. Putting themselves in harm’s way. The incredible men and women of the emergency services running towards the carnage, while others dropped what they were doing and went back to work to help.

But above all, an image of a community coming together. Men and women, young and old, black and white, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Hindu, Jew, standing together as one. And it was that image of this city – an image of modern Britain in all its diversity, compassion and strength – that was shared around the globe.

And it said something about us. It said that this is modern Britain. A country of promise, of potential, of hope. And perhaps we too easily forget that. But we must hold on to that essential truth. For we are a nation of dreamers, with the capacity to deliver those dreams too.

Cities like Manchester were the pioneers that fired the industrial revolution, helping to make Britain the workshop of the world. And it’s this heritage that means today we export to and trade with nations in every corner of the globe. It was here in Britain that we discovered the structure of DNA, the biological code for life. All the technologies for sequencing the human genome have been developed in this country. And today we are using this knowledge to improve human health.

Back in the 1970s it was scientists in Oxford who invented the lithium ion battery which powers all laptops and mobile phones. Today we continue to be pioneers in this sector, funding new battery technologies for electric cars and renewable energy. Technologies we will soon be exporting around the world. Within a few hundred yards of here you will find the world’s first passenger railway station. And a few hundred yards beyond that a new research facility to develop the extraordinary material Graphene, for which two scientists here in Manchester won the Nobel prize.

And let me say this to George Osborne – you were right to back it as part of the Northern Powerhouse and this Government will back it too. So the future is bright, our potential is great, and if we choose the right path, the British Dream can be renewed. So let us do our duty by Britain. Let us shape up and give the country the government it needs.   

For beyond this hall, beyond the gossip pages of the newspapers, and beyond the streets, corridors and meeting rooms of Westminster, life continues – the daily lives of working people go on. Many pay little attention to great conferences and gatherings like this. They get up early and go to work. They want to know their job is going to last and that they are going to get paid a fair wage. They want to know that the school their children go to is the best it can be. That they will be cared for when they fall ill. That they will have safety and security as they advance towards old age. 

And they want to believe in the British Dream: that their children will do better than themselves. That they will have the opportunity to lead happy, successful, secure lives. That they will have the chance to be all they want to be. These are the priorities that it is our duty to respond to. The priorities of working people up and down this land. And they must be our only focus.

Not worrying about our job security, but theirs. Not addressing our concerns, but the issues, the problems, the challenges, that concern them. Not focusing on our future, but on the future of their children and their grandchildren – doing everything we can to ensure their tomorrow will be better than our today.  

That is what I am in politics for. To make a difference. To change things for the better. To hand on to the next generation a country that is stronger, fairer and more prosperous. And to renew the British Dream for a new generation again.

None of this will be easy. There will be obstacles and barriers along the way. But it has never been my style to hide from a challenge, to shrink from a task, to retreat in the face of difficulty, to give up and turn away. For the test of a leader is how you respond when tough times come upon you. When faced with challenge, if you emerge stronger. When confronted with adversity, if you find the will to pull through.  And it is when tested the most that we reach deep within ourselves and find that our capacity to rise to the challenge before us may well be limitless.

That is the story of our party. That is the story of our country. And that is the resolve and determination we need as we turn to face the future today.

So let us go forward together. Confident in our values. Clear in our vision. Sure in our purpose. With a rich, ambitious agenda to follow. A bold, exciting mission to pursue. Let us fulfil our duty to the British people.Let us fulfil our duty to our country. Let us fulfil our duty to Britain. Let us renew the British Dream.

Source: https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2017/10/ther...

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags THERESA MAY, CONSERVATIVE PARTY, 2017 ELECTION, TRANSCRIPT, BRITISH DREAM, SPEECH DISASTERS
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Jack Layton: 'We can build the Canada we want', election night speech - 2011

November 24, 2017

2 May 2011, Toronto, Canada

Step by step, working together, we can build the Canada we want. A country worthy of the hopes and dreams of those young Canadians who said no to the same old cynicism, to the negativity, to the politics of usual and they said yes to a Canada where anything is possible, where we all stick together and no one is left behind.

Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOFXnnu481...

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Zeid Ra'ad Al-Hussein: 'Do not, my friends, be led by the deceiver', Peace, Justice and Security Foundation gala - 2016

September 30, 2016

5 September 2016, The Hague, The Netherlands

Zeid is the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. This is his speech warning against populists and demagogues.

Dear Friends,

I wish to address this short statement to Mr. Geert Wilders, his acolytes, indeed to all those like him – the populists, demagogues and political fantasists. 

To them, I must be a sort of nightmare.  I am the global voice on human rights, universal rights; elected by all governments, and now critic of almost all governments.  I defend and promote the human rights of each individual, everywhere: the rights of migrants, asylum seekers and immigrants; the rights of the LGBTi community; the rights of women and children in all countries; minorities; indigenous persons; people with disabilities, and any and all who are discriminated against, disadvantaged, persecuted or tortured – whether by governments, political movements or by terrorists.

I am a Muslim, who is, confusingly to racists, also white-skinned; whose mother is European and father, Arab.  And I am angry, too.  Because of Mr. Wilder’s lies and half-truths, manipulations and peddling of fear.  You see, twenty years ago I served in the UN peacekeeping force during the Balkan wars – wars so cruel, so devastating, which flowed from this same factory of deceit, bigotry and ethnic nationalism.

Geert Wilders released his grotesque eleven-point manifesto only days ago, and a month ago he spoke along similar lines in Cleveland, in the United States.  I will not repeat what he has said, but there are many who will, and his party is expected to do well in the elections in March.

And yet what Mr. Wilders shares in common with Mr. Trump, Mr. Orban, Mr. Zeman, Mr. Hofer, Mr. Fico, Madame Le Pen, Mr. Farage, he also shares with Da’esh.

All seek in varying degrees to recover a past, halcyon and so pure in form, where sunlit fields are settled by peoples united by ethnicity or religion – living peacefully in isolation, pilots of their fate, free of crime, foreign influence and war.  A past that most certainly, in reality, did not exist anywhere, ever.  Europe’s past, as we all know, was for centuries anything but that. 

The proposition of recovering a supposedly perfect past is fiction; its merchants are cheats.  Clever cheats.

Populists use half-truths and oversimplification -- the two scalpels of the arch propagandist, and here the internet and social media are a perfect rail for them, by reducing thought into the smallest packages: sound-bites; tweets.  Paint half a picture in the mind of an anxious individual, exposed as they may be to economic hardship and through the media to the horrors of terrorism.  Prop this picture up by some half-truth here and there and allow the natural prejudice of people to fill in the rest.  Add drama, emphasizing it’s all the fault of a clear-cut group, so the speakers lobbing this verbal artillery, and their followers, can feel somehow blameless.

The formula is therefore simple: make people, already nervous, feel terrible, and then emphasize it’s all because of a group, lying within, foreign and menacing.  Then make your target audience feel good by offering up what is a fantasy to them, but a horrendous injustice to others.  Inflame and quench, repeat many times over, until anxiety has been hardened into hatred.

Make no mistake, I certainly do not equate the actions of nationalist demagogues with those of Da'esh, which are monstrous, sickening; Da’esh must be brought to justice.  But in its mode of communication, its use of half-truths and oversimplification, the propaganda of Da’esh uses tactics similar to those of the populists.  And both sides of this equation benefit from each other – indeed would not expand in influence without each others' actions.

The humiliating racial and religious prejudice fanned by the likes of Mr. Wilders has become in some countries municipal or even national policy. We hear of accelerating discrimination in workplaces. Children are being shamed and shunned for their ethnic and religious origins – whatever their passports, they are told they are not "really" European, not "really" French, or British, or Hungarian.  Entire communities are being smeared with suspicion of collusion with terrorists.

History has perhaps taught Mr. Wilders and his ilk how effectively xenophobia and bigotry can be weaponized.  Communities will barricade themselves into fearful, hostile camps, with populists like them, and the extremists, as the commandants.  The atmosphere will become thick with hate; at this point it can descend rapidly into colossal violence.

We must pull back from this trajectory.  My friends, are we doing enough to counter this cross-border bonding of demagogues?  A decade ago, Geert Wilder’s manifesto and Cleveland speech would have created a world-wide furore.  Now?  Now, they are met with little more than a shrug, and, outside the Netherlands, his words and pernicious plans were barely noticed.  Are we going to continue to stand by and watch this banalization of bigotry, until it reaches its logical conclusion?

Ultimately, it is the law that will safeguard our societies – human rights law, binding law which is the distillation of human experience, of generations of human suffering, the screams of the victims of past crimes and hate.  We must guard this law passionately, and be guided by it.

Do not, my friends, be led by the deceiver.  It is only by pursuing the entire truth, and acting wisely, that humanity can ever survive.  So draw the line and speak.  Speak out and up, speak the truth and do so compassionately, speak for your children, for those you care about, for the rights of all, and be sure to say clearly: stop!  We will not be bullied by you the bully, nor fooled by you the deceiver, not again, no more; because we, not you, will steer our collective fate.  And we, not you, will write and sculpt this coming century.  Draw the line!

Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2FgipIiN4n...

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags ZEID RA-AD AL HUSSEIN, TRANSCRIPT, DEMAGOGUES, UNITED NATIONS, HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
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Barack Obama: 'Obama Out', White House Correspondents Dinner - 2016

May 7, 2016

30 April 2016, Capitol Hitlton, Washington DC, USA

(Entrance music:  "When I'm Gone" by Anna Kendrick.)

You can't say it, but you know it's true.  (Laughter.) 

Good evening, everybody.  It is an honor to be here at my last -- and perhaps the last -- White House Correspondents' Dinner.  (Laughter and applause.)

You all look great.  The end of the Republic has never looked better.  (Laughter and applause.)

I do apologize -- I know I was a little late tonight.  I was running on C.P.T. -- (laughter) -- which stands for "jokes that white people should not make."  (Laughter and applause.)  It's a tip for you, Jeff.  (Laughter.)

Anyway, here we are.  My eighth and final appearance at this unique event.  (Laughter.)  And I am excited.  If this material works well, I'm going to use it at Goldman Sachs next year.  (Laughter and applause.)  Earn me some serious Tubmans.  That's right.  (Laughter and applause.)

My brilliant and beautiful wife, Michelle, is here tonight.  (Applause.)  She looks so happy to be here.  (Laughter.)  That's called practice -- it's like learning to do three-minute planks.  (Laughter.)  She makes it look easy now.  (Laughter.)

Next year at this time, someone else will be standing here in this very spot, and it's anyone's guess who she will be.  (Laughter and applause.)  But standing here, I can't help but be reflective, a little sentimental.  Eight years ago, I said it was time to change the tone of our politics.  In hindsight, I clearly should have been more specific.  (Laughter.)

Eight years ago, I was a young man, full of idealism and vigor, and look at me now.  (Laughter.)  I am gray and grizzled, just counting down the days 'til my death panel.  (Laughter and applause.)  Hillary once questioned whether I'd be ready for a 3 a.m. phone call -- now I'm awake anyway because I've got to go to the bathroom.  (Laughter and applause.)  I'm up. 

In fact, somebody recently said to me, Mr. President, you are so yesterday; Justin Trudeau has completely replaced you -- he's so handsome, he's so charming, he's the future.  And I said, Justin, just give it a rest.  (Laughter and applause.)  I resented that.  (Laughter.)

Meanwhile, Michelle has not aged a day.  (Applause.)  The only way you can date her in photos is by looking at me.  (Laughter.)  Take a look. 

Here we are in 2008.  (Slide is shown.)

Here we are a few years later.  (Slide is shown.) 

And this one is from two weeks ago.  (Slide is shown.)  (Laughter and applause.)

So time passes.  (Laughter.)  In just six short months, I will be officially a lame duck, which means Congress now will flat-out reject my authority.  (Laughter.)  And Republican leaders won't take my phone calls.  And this is going to take some getting used to, it's really going to -- it's a curve ball.  I don't know what to do with it.  (Laughter.)

Of course, in fact, for months now congressional Republicans have been saying there are things I cannot do in my final year.  Unfortunately, this dinner was not one of them.  (Laughter.)  But on everything else, it's another story.  And you know who you are, Republicans.  In fact, I think we've got Republican Senators Tim Scott and Cory Gardner, they're in the house, which reminds me, security, bar the doors!  (Laughter.)  Judge Merrick Garland, come on out, we're going to do this right here, right now.  (Applause.)  It's like "The Red Wedding."  (Laughter.)

But it's not just Congress.  Even some foreign leaders, they've been looking ahead, anticipating my departure.  Last week, Prince George showed up to our meeting in his bathrobe.  (Laughter and applause.)  That was a slap in the face.  (Laughter.)  A clear breach in protocol.  (Laughter.)  Although while in England I did have lunch with Her Majesty, the Queen, took in a performance of Shakespeare, hit the links with David Cameron -- just in case anybody is still debating whether I'm black enough, I think that settles the debate.  (Laughter and applause.) 

I won't lie -- look, this is a tough transition.  It's hard.  Key staff are now starting to leave the White House.  Even reporters have left me.  Savannah Guthrie, she's left the White House Press Corps to host the Today show.  Norah O'Donnell left the briefing room to host CBS This Morning.  Jake Tapper left journalism to join CNN.  (Laughter and applause.)

But the prospect of leaving the White House is a mixed bag.  You might have heard that someone jumped the White House fence last week, but I have to give Secret Service credit -- they found Michelle, brought her back, she's safe back at home now.  (Laughter and applause.)  It's only nine more months, baby.  Settle down.  (Laughter.)

And yet, somehow, despite all this, despite the churn, in my final year, my approval ratings keep going up.  (Laughter.)  The last time I was this high, I was trying to decide on my major.  (Laughter and applause.)

And here's the thing:  I haven't really done anything differently.  So it's odd.  Even my aides can't explain the rising poll numbers -- what has changed, nobody can figure it out.  (Slide is shown.)  (Laughter and applause.)  Puzzling.

Anyway, in this last year I do have more appreciation for those who have been with me on this amazing ride, like one of our finest public servants, Joe Biden.  God bless him.  Love that guy.  (Applause.)  I love Joe Biden, I really do.  And I want to thank him for his friendship, for his counsel, for always giving it to me straight, for not shooting anybody in the face.  (Laughter.)  Thank you, Joe.  (Laughter.)

Also, I would be remiss -- let's give it up for our host, Larry Wilmore.  (Applause.)  Also known as one of the two black guys who is not Jon Stewart.  (Laughter.)  You're the South African guy, right?  (Laughter.)  I love Larry.  And his parents are here, who are from Evanston, which is a great town.  (Applause.)

I also would like to acknowledge some of the award-winning reporters that we have with us here tonight.  Rachel McAdams.  Mark Ruffalo.  Liev Schreiber.  (Laughter.)  Thank you all for everything that you've done.  (Laughter.)  I’m just joking.  As you know, "Spotlight" is a film, a movie about investigative journalists with the resources and the autonomy to chase down the truth and hold the powerful accountable.  Best fantasy film since Star Wars.  (Laughter.)  Look -- that was maybe a cheap shot.  (laughter.)

I understand the news business is tough these days, it keeps changing all the time.  Every year at this dinner, somebody makes a joke about BuzzFeed, for example, changing the media landscape.  And every year, the Washington Post laughs a little bit less hard.  (Laughter.)  Kind of a silence there.  (Laughter.)  Especially at the Washington Post table.  (Laughter.)

GOP Chairman Reince Priebus is here as well.  (Applause.)  Glad to see you that you feel that you’ve earned a night off.  (Laughter.)  Congratulations on all your success.  The Republican Party, the nomination process -– it’s all going great.  Keep it up.  (Laughter and applause.) 

Kendall Jenner is also here.  And we had a chance to meet her backstage -- she seems like a very nice young woman.  I’m not exactly sure what she does, but I am told that my Twitter mentions are about to go through the roof.  (Laughter.)

Helen Mirren is here tonight.  (Applause.)  I don’t even have a joke here.  I just think Helen Mirren is awesome.  (Laughter and applause.)  She's awesome.  (Laughter.)

Sitting at the same table, I see Mike Bloomberg.  (Applause.)  Mike, a combative, controversial New York billionaire is leading the GOP primary and it is not you.  (Laughter.)  That’s has to sting a little bit.  (Laughter.)  Although it’s not an entirely fair comparison between you and the Donald.  After all, Mike was a big-city mayor.  He knows policy in depth.  And he’s actually worth the amount of money that he says he is.  (Laughter and applause.)

What an election season.  For example, we’ve got the bright new face of the Democratic Party here tonight –- Mr. Bernie Sanders!  (Applause.)  There he is -- Bernie!  (Applause.)  Bernie, you look like a million bucks.  (Laughter.)  Or to put it in terms you’ll understand, you look like 37,000 donations of 27 dollars each.  (Laughter and applause.)

A lot of folks have been surprised by the Bernie phenomenon, especially his appeal to young people.  But not me, I get it.  Just recently, a young person came up to me and said she was sick of politicians standing in the way of her dreams.  As if we were actually going to let Malia go to Burning Man this year.  (Laughter.)  That was not going to happen.  (Laughter.)  Bernie might have let her go.  (Laughter.)  Not us.  (Laughter.)

I am hurt, though, Bernie, that you've distancing yourself a little from me.  (Laughter.)  I mean, that's just not something that you do to your comrade.  (Laughter and applause.)   

Bernie’s slogan has helped his campaign catch fire among young people.  “Feel the Bern.”  (Laughter.)  Feel the Bern -- it's a good slogan.  Hillary’s slogan has not had the same effect.  Let's see this.  (Slide is shown.)  (Laughter.)

Look, I’ve said how much I admire Hillary’s toughness, her smarts, her policy chops, her experience.  You’ve got to admit it, though, Hillary trying to appeal to young voters is a little bit like your relative just signed up for Facebook.  (Laughter.)  “Dear America, did you get my poke?"  (Laughter.)  "Is it appearing on your wall?"  (Laughter.)  "I'm not sure I am using this right.  Love, Aunt Hillary.”  (Laughter and applause.)  It's not entirely persuasive.

Meanwhile, on the Republican side, things are a little more -- how should we say this -- a little "more loose."  Just look at the confusion over the invitations to tonight’s dinner.  Guests were asked to check whether they wanted steak or fish, but instead, a whole bunch of you wrote in Paul Ryan.  (Laughter.)  That's not an option, people.  Steak or fish.  (Laughter.)  You may not like steak or fish -- (laughter) -- but that's your choice.  (Laughter.)

Meanwhile, some candidates aren’t polling high enough to qualify for their own joke tonight.  (Slide is shown.)  (Laughter.)  The rules were well-established ahead of time.  (Laughter.)

And then there's Ted Cruz.  Ted had a tough week.  He went to Indiana –- Hoosier country –- stood on a basketball court, and called the hoop a “basketball ring.”  (Laughter and applause.)  What else is in his lexicon?  Baseball sticks?  Football hats?  (Laughter.)  But sure, I’m the foreign one.  (Laughter and applause.)

Well, let me conclude tonight on a more serious note.  I want to thank the Washington press corps, I want to thank Carol for all that you do.  The free press is central to our democracy, and -- nah, I’m just kidding!  You know I’ve got to talk about Trump!  Come on!  (Laughter and applause.)  We weren't just going to stop there.  Come on.  (Laughter and applause.)

Although I am a little hurt that he’s not here tonight.  We had so much fun the last time.  (Laughter.)  And it is surprising.  You've got a room full of reporters, celebrities, cameras, and he says no?  (Laughter.)  Is this dinner too tacky for The Donald?  (Laughter.)  What could he possibly be doing instead?  Is he at home, eating a Trump Steak -- (laughter) -- tweeting out insults to Angela Merkel?  (Laughter.)  What's he doing?  (Laughter.)

The Republican establishment is incredulous that he is their most likely nominee -- incredulous, shocking.  They say Donald lacks the foreign policy experience to be President.  But, in fairness, he has spent years meeting with leaders from around the world:  Miss Sweden, Miss Argentina, Miss Azerbaijan.  (Laughter and applause.)

And there's one area where Donald’s experience could be invaluable -– and that’s closing Guantanamo.  Because Trump knows a thing or two about running waterfront properties into the ground.  (Laughter and applause.)

All right, that’s probably enough.  I mean, I've got more material -- (applause) -- no, no, I don’t want to spend too much time on The Donald.  Following your lead, I want to show some restraint.  (Laughter.)  Because I think we can all agree that from the start, he’s gotten the appropriate amount of coverage, befitting the seriousness of his candidacy.  (Laughter and applause.)

I hope you all are proud of yourselves.  (Laughter.)  The guy wanted to give his hotel business a boost, and now we’re praying that Cleveland makes it through July.  (Laughter.)

Mm-mm-mm.  (Laughter and applause.)  Hmm.  (Laughter.) 

As for me and Michelle, we’ve decided to stay in D.C. for a couple more years.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  This way, our youngest daughter can finish up high school, Michelle can stay closer to her plot of carrots.  (Laughter.)  She’s already making plans to see them every day.  Take a look.  (Slide is shown.)  (Laughter.)

But our decision has actually presented a bit of a dilemma because, traditionally, Presidents don’t stick around after they're done.  And it's something that I've been brooding about a little bit.  Take a look.

(Video is shown.)

(Applause.)

I am still waiting for all of you to respond to my invitation to connect on LinkedIn.  (Laughter.)  But I know you have jobs to do, which is what really brings us here tonight. 

I know that there are times that we've had differences, and that's inherent in our institutional roles -- it's true of every President and his press corps.  But we've always shared the same goal –- to root our public discourse in the truth; to open the doors of this democracy; to do whatever we can to make our country and our world more free and more just.  And I've always appreciated the role that you have all played as equal partners in reaching these goals. 

And our free press is why we once again recognize the real journalists who uncovered a horrifying scandal and brought about some measure of justice for thousands of victims throughout the world.  They are here with us tonight –- Sacha Pfeiffer, Mike Rezendes, Walter Robinson, Matt Carroll, and Ben Bradlee, Jr.  Please give them a big round of applause.  (Applause.)  

Our free press is why, once again, we honor Jason Rezaian.  (Applause.)  As Carol noted, last time this year, we spoke of Jason’s courage as he endured the isolation of an Iranian prison.  This year, we see that courage in the flesh and it's a living testament to the very idea of a free press, and a reminder of the rising level of danger, and political intimidation, and physical threats faced by reporters overseas.  And I can make this commitment that as long as I hold this office, my administration will continue to fight for the release of American journalists held against their will -- and we will not stop until they see the same freedom as Jason had.  (Applause.)

At home and abroad, journalists like all of you engage in the dogged pursuit of informing citizens, and holding leaders accountable, and making our government of the people possible.  And it's an enormous responsibility.  And I realize it’s an enormous challenge at a time when the economics of the business sometimes incentivize speed over depth; and when controversy and conflict are what most immediately attract readers and viewers. 

The good news is there are so many of you that are pushing against those trends.  And as a citizen of this great democracy, I am grateful for that.  For this is also a time around the world when some of the fundamental ideals of liberal democracies are under attack, and when notions of objectivity, and of a free press, and of facts, and of evidence are trying to be undermined.  Or, in some cases, ignored entirely. 

And in such a climate, it’s not enough just to give people a megaphone.  And that’s why your power and your responsibility to dig and to question and to counter distortions and untruths is more important than ever.  Taking a stand on behalf of what is true does not require you shedding your objectivity.  In fact, it is the essence of good journalism.  It affirms the idea that the only way we can build consensus, the only way that we can move forward as a country, the only way we can help the world mend itself is by agreeing on a baseline of facts when it comes to the challenges that confront us all. 

So this night is a testament to all of you who have devoted your lives to that idea, who push to shine a light on the truth every single day.  So I want to close my final White House Correspondents' Dinner by just saying thank you.  (Applause.)  I'm very proud of what you've done.  It has been an honor and a privilege to work side by side with you to strengthen our democracy.  (Applause.)

And with that, I just have two more words to say -– Obama out.  (Drops microphone.)  (Laughter and applause.)  Thank you.  (Applause.)

                                                             END

Source: https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-offic...

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags BARACK OBAMA, HUMOUR, WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENTS DINNER, TRANSCRIPT
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Robert Mugabe: 'Let us work', Opening of Parliament, same speech fiasco - 2015

September 16, 2015

15 September, 2015, Harare, Zimbabwe

Mugabe at opening of parliament. he accidentally reads the same words he read at state of the nation on 26 August.

Overall economic performance to date indicates modest growth [howls] particlularly in the sector of agriculture, mining, tourism, construction and telecommunications [more howls]. Our economic growth rates [edit], in line with our food and nutrition policy thrust, government working closely with the private sector, and development partners [edit] our farmers did better than we had estimated. [howls of derision, confused glance at speech]

Cut to parliament [joy and laughter]

Let us work. [aware now, glares at speech, somebody is going to die]

Cut to parliament [ecstatic singing and pointing]

 

 

Source: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-32...

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags ROBERT MUGABE, WRONG SPEECH, TRANSCRIPT
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Senator Scott Ludlum: 'Prime Minister. See you out west' - 2014

August 20, 2015

3 March 2014, Senate chamber, Canberra, Australia

Tonight I rise to invite Prime Minister Tony Abbott to visit the beautiful state of Western Australia. I do this in good faith, because we are only a matter of weeks away from a historic by-election that will not just determine the final makeup of this chamber after July but also will decide much more of consequence to the people of Western Australia, whether they are thinking of voting for the Greens or not. Prime Minister, you are welcome out west, but this is a respectful invitation to think carefully about what baggage you pack when you make your next flying campaign stopover. When you arrive at Perth airport, you will alight on the traditional country of the Whadjuk Nyoongar people, who have sung this country for more than 40,000 years. This is 200 times the age of the city that now stands on the banks of the Derbal Yerigan, the Swan River. Understand that you are now closer to Denpasar than to Western Sydney, in a state where an entire generation has been priced out of affordable housing. Recognise that you are standing in a place where the drought never ended, where climate change from land clearing and fossil fuel combustion is a lived reality that is already costing jobs, property and lives. Mr Prime Minister, at your next press conference we invite you to leave your excruciatingly boring three-word slogans at home. If your image of Western Australia is of some caricatured redneck backwater that is enjoying the murderous horror unfolding on Manus Island, you are reading us wrong. Every time you refer to us as the 'mining state' as though the western third of our ancient continent is just Gina Rinehart's inheritance to be chopped, benched and blasted, you are reading us wrong. Western Australians are a generous and welcoming lot, but if you arrive and start talking proudly about your attempts to bankrupt the renewable energy sector, cripple the independence of the ABC and privatise SBS, if you show up waving your homophobia in people's faces and start boasting about your ever-more insidious attacks on the trade union movement and all working people, you can expect a very different kind of welcome. People are under enough pressure as it is without three years of this government going out of its way to make it worse. It looks awkward when you take policy advice on penalty rates and the minimum wage from mining billionaires and media oligarchs on the other side of the world-awkward, and kind of revolting. It is good to remember that these things are temporary. For anyone listening in from outside this almost empty Senate chamber, the truth is that Prime Minister Tony Abbott and this benighted attempt at a government are a temporary phenomenon. They will pass, and we need to keep our eyes on the bigger picture. Just as the reign of the dinosaurs was cut short to their great surprise, it may be that the Abbott government will appear as nothing more than a thin, greasy layer in the core sample of future political scientists drilling back into the early years of the 21st century. The year 2014 marks 30 years since the election of the first representative of what was to become the Greens-my dear friend and mentor Senator Jo Vallentine. She came into this place as a lone Western Australian representative speaking out against the nuclear weapons that formed the foundations of the geopolitical suicide pact we dimly remember as the Cold War. Since the first day of Senator Vallentine's first term, the Greens have been articulating a vision of Australia as it could be-an economy running on infinite flows of renewable energy; a society that never forgets it lives on country occupied by the planet's oldest continuing civilisation; and a country that values education, innovation and equality. These values are still at the heart of our work; nowhere stronger than on the Walkatjurra Walkabout, which will set off again later this month to challenge the poisonous imposition of the state's first uranium mine on the shoreline of Lake Way. As the damage done by the nuclear industry is global, so is our resistance. Mr Abbott, your thoughtless cancellation of half a billion dollars of Commonwealth funding for the Perth light rail project has been noted. Your blank cheque for Colin Barnett's bloody and unnecessary shark cull has been noted. Your attacks on Medicare, on schools funding, on tertiary education-noted. The fact that your only proposal for environmental reforms thus far is to leave Minister Greg Hunt playing solitaire for the next three years while you outsource his responsibilities to the same Premier who presides over the shark cull has been noted too. You may not believe this, Prime Minister, but your advocacy on behalf of foreign biotechnology corporations and Hollywood's copyright-industrial complex to chain Australia to the Trans-Pacific Partnership has been noted. People have been keeping a record of every time you have been given the opportunity to choose between predator capitalism and the public interest, and it is bitterly obvious whose side you are on. So to be very blunt, the reason that I extend this invitation to you, Mr Prime Minister, to spend as much time as you can spare in Western Australia is that every time you open your mouth the Green vote goes up. You and your financial backers in the gas fracking and uranium industries have inspired hundreds of people to spend their precious time doorknocking thousands of homes for the Greens in the last few weeks. Your decision to back Monsanto's shareholders instead of Western Australian farmers has inspired people across the length and breadth of this country to make thousands of calls and donate to our campaign. As for the premeditated destruction of the NBN and Attorney-General George Brandis's degrading capitulation to the surveillance state when confronted with the unlawful actions of the US NSA-even the internet is turning green, 'for the win'. Geeks and coders, network engineers and gamers would never have voted Green in a million years without the blundering and technically illiterate assistance of your leadership team. For this I can only thank you. And, perhaps most profoundly, your determined campaign to provoke fear in our community-fear of innocent families fleeing war and violence in our region-in the hope that it would bring out the worst in Australians is instead bringing out the best in us. Prime Minister, you are welcome to take your heartless racist exploitation of people's fears and ram it as far from Western Australia as your taxpayer funded travel entitlements can take you. What is at stake here, in the most immediate sense, is whether or not Prime Minister Tony Abbott has total control of this parliament in coming years. But I have come to realise that it is about much more than that. We want our country back. Through chance, misadventure, and, somewhere, a couple of boxes of misplaced ballot papers, we have been given the opportunity to take back just one seat on 5 April, and a whole lot more in 2016. Game on, Prime Minister. See you out west.

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags AUSTRALIA, GREENS, SENATE, BY-ELECTION, WESTERN AUSTRALIA, TRANSCRIPT
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Josie Farrer: 'We are one step closer to recognition of all Aboriginal people in our State's Constitution' WA Parliament - 2015

August 13, 2015

VIDEO of this speech can be accessed here

17 June, 2015, Parliament House, Perth, WA, Australia

Madam Acting Speaker, I seek leave to pay my respects in the Gidja language, which will contain nothing unparliamentary. I will then provide the house with an English translation.

[Leave granted.]

Ms J. FARRER: Thank you.

[Words spoken in Gidja language — Kilingen jarrak ngenen ngenengka, Noonga-m pe taam warringarrem-pe — ngarri / ngayen kulu kulu ngenan perrem purru marnum.
Ngayen ngarra ngenau Gidja-m warringarrem-pe jijiyilem-pe, ngali ngalem pe of Western Australia.]

In English, I said —
I pay my respects to this land and to the Noongar people, the original inhabitants and traditional custodians of the land on which we meet today.

I also acknowledge my people the Gidja tribe in the East Kimberley, and all the Aboriginal nations of Western Australia.

I stand here today with mixed feelings. I am happy that we are one step closer to recognition of all Aboriginal people in our state’s Constitution. I feel buoyed by the findings of the Joint Select Committee on Aboriginal Constitutional Recognition that my original 2014 bill was correctly drafted. I thank the members of that committee for their hard work and, in particular, for their support of me. I feel encouraged by the indications of bipartisan support from government members for this Constitution Amendment (Recognition of Aboriginal People) Bill 2015 and feel that we are moving closer to us not being timid and reaching out to be magnificent. But there is also a feeling of frustration that it has taken more than a year since I introduced the 2014 version of this bill to get to this point. However, if this new bill is passed, the wait will have been worth it.

The human history of Western Australia commenced between 40 000 and 60 000 years ago with the arrival of Indigenous Australians to our north west coast. My ancestors expanded the range of their settlement to the east and south of the continent. They were visited time and again over the last 500 years or so by your mob, although your history says a white explorer, Dirk Hartog, was the first recorded contact in 1616. Let me make this clear: this is your mob’s version, not my ancestors’ history. I always laugh when some scientist claims to have made a “new” discovery such as a lily, a plant or an animal or some rangeland feature. But seriously, our history, our cultures, will remain separate forever until we recognise who was here first. This is what this bill does. It means that once we have amended the Constitution to recognise the original people who occupied this land—so long ago that we could walk here—our collective history joins at that point and history becomes our history from now on. We can join and walk together—all of us.

As a reminder to members of where this journey has taken us, I introduced the 2014 bill on 11 June 2014. My colleagues and I then began extensive consultation, contacting more than 400 stakeholder groups and receiving feedback that extended into October 2014. On 12 and 19 November we debated that bill in this house. Some members opposite gave expressions of support, for which I congratulate them. However, the Parliament also expressed concern that the bill may not be properly drafted and there may be legal ramifications. On 26 November 2014, this house passed a motion directing the matter to a joint select committee. On 2 December our colleagues in the other place appointed their members to that committee. The committee met through the summer and tabled its report on 26 March this year. The report’s 16 findings concluded that the words in the 2014 bill were a suitable starting point for considering an appropriate form of words for constitutional recognition in Western Australia and recommended some minor amendments to improve readability. The report supported the removal of section 42 of the Constitution Act 1889 (WA). In addition, the report recommended the amendment of section 75 to remove the definition of the Aborigines Protection Board. The report found that the continued presence of these spent provisions within the Constitution Act 1889 would be inappropriate and inconsistent with the spirit of reconciliation inherent in a statement of recognition by the Parliament.

The report contains two recommendations: first, some minor amendments to the 2014 bill’s wording for the Constitution Act 1889 preamble; and, second, that the 2014 bill appears to be an option available to the Parliament should it wish to consider a bill to recognise Aboriginal people in the Constitution Act 1889 (WA).

I would just like to say that the Constitution was formed back in 1889. My mother’s grandmother, her dad’s mother, was alive then. So we have had 126 years to be the subjects of this Constitution.


Importantly, the report found that if the 2014 bill were passed, the risks of unintended legal consequences appear to be negligible. As I pointed out when I tabled the bill a few months ago, the report provides strong reassurance on the following points: firstly, it finds that the addition of these words of recognition could be enacted by ordinary legislative procedures—in other words, we do not need a referendum; secondly, it finds the suggestion that such an addition could limit the legislative power of the state can be discounted; thirdly, it finds that the risk of the addition having any impact on the interpretation of other Western Australian legislation or legislative powers is exceedingly low or negligible; fourthly, it finds that the addition will not have any substantive effect on native title law or pastoral leases, and I think we need to be clear on that; and, finally, and very importantly, the report finds that a non-effects clause should not be incorporated into any statement of recognition and notes that a non-effects clause would undermine the spirit in which the statement of recognition is made. As a result, this 2015 Constitution Amendment (Recognition of Aboriginal People) Bill 2015 is substantively the Constitution Amendment (Recognition of Aboriginal People) Bill 2014 with the Joint Select Committee on Aboriginal Constitutional Recognition’s recommended changes incorporated.

In opening this debate I will reiterate some of what I covered in my second reading speech on the 2014 bill. It is worth restating for the sake of posterity and should be included in the second reading speech for this amended 2015 bill. Early in 2014, I raised the issue of official constitutional recognition of Western Australia’s Aboriginal people and invited the Premier and the Leader of the Opposition to step forward with me and deliver a great act for all Western Australian Aboriginal people. Today, I ask again that all members of this Parliament also step forward and provide their support to pass this bill. This bill amends the Western Australian Constitution Act 1889 to officially recognise Western Australia’s Aboriginal people as the first people of this land. Make no mistake, this is important. Recognition, acknowledgement and acceptance are necessary steps to true and lasting reconciliation, and this bill is just one of those steps. In a way it is more than a step, it is a confident stride forward. As I said earlier, when European settlers came to Western Australia, there were people here before them; people with rich, beautiful languages, culture and art, people who had complex laws and protocols, and people who fought wars and negotiated peace. These people—my people—had been here for thousands of years.

This year will mark 126 years since the Constitution Act was passed and so it is long overdue that recognition is given to Australia’s first people. The Constitution Act 1889 has been amended 24 times in the last 126 years. Until the 1967 referendum, Aboriginal Australians were excluded even from being counted in the tally of citizens under section 127 of the Australian Constitution. Moving forward in an equal future together we must all remove acts of discrimination against one another. We are a strong and vibrant people and we share with you a beautiful country and unique culture and languages. However, we continue the pursuit of true reconciliation. Other mainland states have provided constitutional recognition of Aboriginal Australians as the first people of our country. We heard South Australia was the most recent state to recognise Aboriginal people in its Constitution through the Constitution (Recognition of Aboriginal Peoples) Amendment Bill 2012, which was introduced into the South Australian Parliament on 29 November 2012, passed on 5 March 2013 and assented to on 28 March 2013. The New South Wales Parliament introduced the Constitution Amendment (Recognition of Aboriginal People) Bill 2010 on 8 September 2010, passed the bill on 19 October 2010 and it received royal assent on 25 October 2010. Queensland introduced the Constitution (Preamble) Amendment Bill 2009 on 24 November 2009, which was passed on 23 February 2010 and received assent on 25 February 2010. The first state in Australia to give constitutional recognition to Aboriginal people was Victoria, which introduced the Constitution (Recognition of Aboriginal People) Bill 2004 on 26 August 2004, passed the bill on 4 November 2004 and it received assent on 9 November 2004. At a federal level, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Recognition Bill 2012 was passed by the House of Representatives on 13 February 2013 and read into the Senate on 25 February 2013. Passing this bill will make Western Australia the last mainland state to recognise Aboriginal people in its Constitution.

This Western Australian bill recognises that Aboriginal people are the original custodians of Western Australia. I will not reiterate the 2004 Solicitor General’s advice on the lack of unintended legal consequences. The joint select committee’s findings endorsed that advice by coming to the same conclusion. Recognition of Aboriginal people as the first people of Western Australia through our Constitution is vital in addressing the ethical issues that face all Australians. The task of government is to show leadership and advocate unity; acknowledgement is not a distraction. I agree with Paul Keating who spoke about these ethical and moral issues when he said —

The distraction comes when we fail to address them, when we avert our eyes from these core moral issues of national responsibility and pretend we can shuffle towards the future without acknowledging the truth of our past. That is what impedes our ability to move forward as a nation. And none of these issues is more central than addressing the place in our society of indigenous Australians.

I say to my fellow members of Parliament here today that this is the opportunity for us to stride into the future, not to shuffle forward with eyes closed from the truths of the past. This is the chance to come together as a Parliament and as a community in a sincere, mature, heartfelt spirit of reconciliation. Members, I said earlier this year that true reconciliation means bold action, brave people and meaningful dialogue. I also challenge members to not be afraid—do not be timid just be magnificent! Despite all our differences, I believe that Western Australian people, and, for that matter, all Australian people, will understand better than anyone the need for the recognition, acknowledgement and respect of ancestral lands. Today, I am asking all of you who like to reminisce about your connections to Australia and your ancestral links overseas, wherever that may be, to join me to seize this opportunity before us as parliamentarians to do something remarkable.

Members, when this bill is passed by this Parliament, I believe an appropriate acknowledgement of the significance of this bill needs to be held here in the Parliament building. The event should include the traditional owners, the Noongar people, and other representatives. I will be writing to the Presiding Officers and the Premier about this event in due course. So please assist me with passing this bill and let us make history in Western Australia by acknowledging Aboriginal people as being the first people of Australia. I invite you again members to be magnificent and support this bill. I would like to now commend the bill to the house.

[Applause.]

Debate adjourned, on motion by Mr A. Krsticevic.

Source: http://www.parliament.wa.gov.au/Hansard/ha...

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In 2010s MORE 4 Tags INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, CONSTITUTION, WESTERN AUSTRALIA, PARLIAMENT, JOSIE FAREER
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Julia Gillard: 'I will not be lectured about sexism and misogyny by this man' Misogyny Speech - 2012

July 1, 2015

9 October, 2012, Parliament House, Canberra

Julia Gillard was the27th Prime Minister of Australia, and the first woman to hold the position.

Thank you very much Deputy Speaker and I rise to oppose the motion moved by the Leader of the Opposition. And in so doing I say to the Leader of the Opposition I will not be lectured about sexism and misogyny by this man. I will not. And the Government will not be lectured about sexism and misogyny by this man. Not now, not ever.

The Leader of the Opposition says that people who hold sexist views and who are misogynists are not appropriate for high office. Well I hope the Leader of the Opposition has got a piece of paper and he is writing out his resignation. Because if he wants to know what misogyny looks like in modern Australia, he doesn't need a motion in the House of Representatives, he needs a mirror. That's what he needs.

Let's go through the Opposition Leader's repulsive double standards, repulsive double standards when it comes to misogyny and sexism. We are now supposed to take seriously that the Leader of the Opposition is offended by Mr Slipper's text messages, when this is the Leader of the Opposition who has said, and this was when he was a minister under the last government – not when he was a student, not when he was in high school – when he was a minister under the last government.

He has said, and I quote, in a discussion about women being under-represented in institutions of power in Australia, the interviewer was a man called Stavros. The Leader of the Opposition says “If it's true, Stavros, that men have more power generally speaking than women, is that a bad thing?”

And then a discussion ensues, and another person says “I want my daughter to have as much opportunity as my son.” To which the Leader of the Opposition says “Yeah, I completely agree, but what if men are by physiology or temperament, more adapted to exercise authority or to issue command?”

Then ensues another discussion about women's role in modern society, and the other person participating in the discussion says “I think it's very hard to deny that there is an underrepresentation of women,” to which the Leader of the Opposition says, “But now, there's an assumption that this is a bad thing.”

This is the man from whom we're supposed to take lectures about sexism. And then of course it goes on. I was very offended personally when the Leader of the Opposition, as Minister of Health, said, and I quote, “Abortion is the easy way out.” I was very personally offended by those comments. You said that in March 2004, I suggest you check the records.

I was also very offended on behalf of the women of Australia when in the course of this carbon pricing campaign, the Leader of the Opposition said “What the housewives of Australia need to understand as they do the ironing…” Thank you for that painting of women's roles in modern Australia.

And then of course, I was offended too by the sexism, by the misogyny of the Leader of the Opposition catcalling across this table at me as I sit here as Prime Minister, “If the Prime Minister wants to, politically speaking, make an honest woman of herself…”, something that would never have been said to any man sitting in this chair. I was offended when the Leader of the Opposition went outside in the front of Parliament and stood next to a sign that said “Ditch the witch.”

I was offended when the Leader of the Opposition stood next to a sign that described me as a man's bitch. I was offended by those things. Misogyny, sexism, every day from this Leader of the Opposition. Every day in every way, across the time the Leader of the Opposition has sat in that chair and I've sat in this chair, that is all we have heard from him.

And now, the Leader of the Opposition wants to be taken seriously, apparently he's woken up after this track record and all of these statements, and he's woken up and he's gone “Oh dear, there's this thing called sexism, oh my lords, there's this thing called misogyny. Now who's one of them? Oh, the Speaker must be because that suits my political purpose.”

Doesn't turn a hair about any of his past statements, doesn't walk into this Parliament and apologise to the women of Australia. Doesn't walk into this Parliament and apologise to me for the things that have come out of his mouth. But now seeks to use this as a battering ram against someone else.

Well this kind of hypocrisy must not be tolerated, which is why this motion from the Leader of the Opposition should not be taken seriously.

And then second, the Leader of the Opposition is always wonderful about walking into this Parliament and giving me and others a lecture about what they should take responsibility for.

Always wonderful about that – everything that I should take responsibility for, now apparently including the text messages of the Member for Fisher. Always keen to say how others should assume responsibility, particularly me.

Well can anybody remind me if the Leader of the Opposition has taken any responsibility for the conduct of the Sydney Young Liberals and the attendance at this event of members of his frontbench?

Has he taken any responsibility for the conduct of members of his political party and members of his frontbench who apparently when the most vile things were being said about my family, raised no voice of objection? Nobody walked out of the room; no-one walked up to Mr Jones and said that this was not acceptable.

Instead of course, it was all viewed as good fun until it was run in a Sunday newspaper and then the Leader of the Opposition and others started ducking for cover.

Big on lectures of responsibility, very light on accepting responsibility himself for the vile conduct of members of his political party.

Third, Deputy Speaker, why the Leader of the Opposition should not be taken seriously on this motion.

The Leader of the Opposition and the Deputy Leader of the Opposition have come into this place and have talked about the Member for Fisher. Well, let me remind the Opposition and the Leader of the opposition party about their track record and association with the Member for Fisher.

I remind them that the National Party preselected the Member for Fisher for the 1984 election, that the National Party preselected the Member for Fisher for the 1987 election, that the Liberals preselected Mr Slipper for the 1993 election, then the 1996 election, then the 1998 election, then for the 2001 election, then for the 2004 election, then for the 2007 election and then for the 2010 election.

And across these elections, Mr Slipper enjoyed the personal support of the Leader of the Opposition. I remind the Leader of the Opposition that on 28 September 2010, following the last election campaign, when Mr Slipper was elected as Deputy Speaker, the Leader of the Opposition at that stage said this, and I quote.

He referred to the Member for Maranoa, who was also elected to a position at the same time, and then went on as follows: “And the Member for Fisher will serve as a fine complement to the Member for Scullin in the chair. I believe that the Parliament will be well-served by the team which will occupy the chair in this chamber. I congratulate the Member for Fisher, who has been a friend of mine for a very long time, who has served this Parliament in many capacities with distinction.”

The words of the Leader of the Opposition on record, about his personal friendship with Mr [Slipper], and on record about his view about Mr Slipper's qualities and attributes to be the Speaker.

No walking away from those words, they were the statement of the Leader of the Opposition then. I remind the Leader of the Opposition, who now comes in here and speaks about apparently his inability to work with or talk to Mr Slipper. I remind the Leader of the Opposition he attended Mr Slipper's wedding.

Did he walk up to Mr Slipper in the middle of the service and say he was disgusted to be there? Was that the attitude he took? No, he attended that wedding as a friend.

The Leader of the Opposition keen to lecture others about what they ought to know or did know about Mr Slipper. Well with respect, I'd say to the Leader of the Opposition after a long personal association including attending Mr Slipper's wedding, it would be interesting to know whether the Leader of the Opposition was surprised by these text messages.

He's certainly in a position to speak more intimately about Mr Slipper than I am, and many other people in this Parliament, given this long personal association.

Then of course the Leader of the Opposition comes into this place and says, and I quote, “Every day the Prime Minister stands in this Parliament to defend this Speaker will be another day of shame for this Parliament, another day of shame for a government which should already have died of shame.”

Well can I indicate to the Leader of the Opposition the Government is not dying of shame, my father did not die of shame, what the Leader of the Opposition should be ashamed of is his performance in this Parliament and the sexism he brings with it. Now about the text messages that are on the public record or reported in the – that's a direct quote from the Leader of the Opposition so I suggest those groaning have a word with him.

On the conduct of Mr Slipper, and on the text messages that are in the public domain, I have seen the press reports of those text messages. I am offended by their content. I am offended by their content because I am always offended by sexism. I am offended by their content because I am always offended by statements that are anti-women.

I am offended by those things in the same way that I have been offended by things that the Leader of the Opposition has said, and no doubt will continue to say in the future. Because if this today was an exhibition of his new feminine side, well I don't think we've got much to look forward to in terms of changed conduct.

I am offended by those text messages. But I also believe, in terms of this Parliament making a decision about the speakership, that this Parliament should recognise that there is a court case in progress. That the judge has reserved his decision, that having waited for a number of months for the legal matters surrounding Mr Slipper to come to a conclusion, that this Parliament should see that conclusion.

I believe that is the appropriate path forward, and that people will then have an opportunity to make up their minds with the fullest information available to them.

But whenever people make up their minds about those questions, what I won't stand for, what I will never stand for is the Leader of the Opposition coming into this place and peddling a double standard. Peddling a standard for Mr Slipper he would not set for himself. Peddling a standard for Mr Slipper he has not set for other members of his frontbench.

Peddling a standard for Mr Slipper that has not been acquitted by the people who have been sent out to say the vilest and most revolting things like his former Shadow Parliamentary Secretary Senator Bernardi.

I will not ever see the Leader of the Opposition seek to impose his double standard on this Parliament. Sexism should always be unacceptable. We should conduct ourselves as it should always be unacceptable. The Leader of the Opposition says do something; well he could do something himself if he wants to deal with sexism in this Parliament.

He could change his behaviour, he could apologise for all his past statements, he could apologise for standing next to signs describing me as a witch and a bitch, terminology that is now objected to by the frontbench of the Opposition.

He could change a standard himself if he sought to do so. But we will see none of that from the Leader of the Opposition because on these questions he is incapable of change. Capable of double standards, but incapable of change. His double standards should not rule this Parliament.

Good sense, common sense, proper process is what should rule this Parliament. That's what I believe is the path forward for this Parliament, not the kind of double standards and political game-playing imposed by the Leader of the Opposition now looking at his watch because apparently a woman's spoken too long.

I've had him yell at me to shut up in the past, but I will take the remaining seconds of my speaking time to say to the Leader of the Opposition I think the best course for him is to reflect on the standards he's exhibited in public life, on the responsibility he should take for his public statements; on his close personal connection with Peter Slipper, on the hypocrisy he has displayed in this House today.

And on that basis, because of the Leader of the Opposition's motivations, this Parliament today should reject this motion and the Leader of the Opposition should think seriously about the role of women in public life and in Australian society because we are entitled to a better standard than this.

Julia Gillard’s speechwriter Michael Cooney is a guest on episode 45 of the Speakola podcast, talking about his 3 years writing speeches for the Prime Minister.

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Featured Arts

Featured
Bruce Springsteen: 'They're keepers of some of the most beautiful sonic architecture in rock and roll', Induction U2 into Rock Hall of Fame - 2005
Bruce Springsteen: 'They're keepers of some of the most beautiful sonic architecture in rock and roll', Induction U2 into Rock Hall of Fame - 2005
Olivia Colman: 'Done that bit. I think I have done that bit', BAFTA acceptance, Leading Actress - 2019
Olivia Colman: 'Done that bit. I think I have done that bit', BAFTA acceptance, Leading Actress - 2019
Axel Scheffler: 'The book wasn't called 'No Room on the Broom!', Illustrator of the Year, British Book Awards - 2018
Axel Scheffler: 'The book wasn't called 'No Room on the Broom!', Illustrator of the Year, British Book Awards - 2018
Tina Fey: 'Only in comedy is an obedient white girl from the suburbs a diversity candidate', Kennedy Center Mark Twain Award -  2010
Tina Fey: 'Only in comedy is an obedient white girl from the suburbs a diversity candidate', Kennedy Center Mark Twain Award - 2010

Featured Debates

Featured
Sacha Baron Cohen: 'Just think what Goebbels might have done with Facebook', Anti Defamation League Leadership Award - 2019
Sacha Baron Cohen: 'Just think what Goebbels might have done with Facebook', Anti Defamation League Leadership Award - 2019
Greta Thunberg: 'How dare you', UN Climate Action Summit - 2019
Greta Thunberg: 'How dare you', UN Climate Action Summit - 2019
Charlie Munger: 'The Psychology of Human Misjudgment', Harvard University - 1995
Charlie Munger: 'The Psychology of Human Misjudgment', Harvard University - 1995
Lawrence O'Donnell: 'The original sin of this country is that we invaders shot and murdered our way across the land killing every Native American that we could', The Last Word, 'Dakota' - 2016
Lawrence O'Donnell: 'The original sin of this country is that we invaders shot and murdered our way across the land killing every Native American that we could', The Last Word, 'Dakota' - 2016