Joe Biden: 'To lose a child is like having a piece of your soul ripped away?', response to Uvalde school shooting - 2022

25 May 2022, Washington DC, USA

Good evening, fellow Americans.

I had hoped, when I became President, I would not have to do this again.

Another massacre. Uvalde, Texas. An elementary school. Beautiful, innocent second, third, fourth graders. And how many scores of little children who witnessed what happened see their friends die as if they’re on a battlefield, for God’s sake. They’ll live with it the rest of their lives.

There’s a lot we don’t know yet, but there’s a lot we do know.

There are parents who will never see their child again, never have them jump in bed and cuddle with them. Parents who will never be the same.

To lose a child is like having a piece of your soul ripped away. There’s a hollowness in your chest, and you feel like you’re being sucked into it and never going to be able to get out. It’s suffocating. And it’s never quite the same.

And it’s a feeling shared by the siblings, and the grandparents, and their family members, and the community that’s left behind.

Scripture says — Jill and I have talked about this in different contexts, in other contexts: “The Lord is near to the brokenhearted and saves the crushed in spirit.” So many crushed spirits.

So, tonight, I ask the nation to pray for them, to give the parents and siblings the strength in the darkness they feel right now.

As a nation, we have to ask: When in God’s name are we going to stand up to the gun lobby? When in God’s name will we do what we all know in our gut needs to be done?

It’s been 340- — 3,448 days — 10 years since I stood up at a high school in Connecticut — a grade school in Connecticut, where another gunman massacred 26 people, including 20 first graders, at Sandy Hook Elementary School.

Since then, there have been over 900 incidents of gunfires reported on school grounds.

Marjorie Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida. Santa Fe High School in Texas. Oxford High School in Michigan. The list goes on and on.

And the list grows when it includes mass shootings at places like movie theaters, houses of worship, and, as we saw just 10 days ago, at a grocery store in Buffalo, New York.

I am sick and tired of it. We have to act. And don’t tell me we can’t have an impact on this carnage.

I spent my career as a senator and as Vice President working to pass commonsense gun laws. We can’t and won’t prevent every tragedy. But we know they work and have a positive impact. When we passed the assault weapons ban, mass shootings went down. When the law expired, mass shootings tripled.

The idea that an 18-year-old kid can walk into a gun store and buy two assault weapons is just wrong.

What in God’s name do you need an assault weapon for except to kill someone?

Deer aren’t running through the forest with Kevlar vests on, for God’s sake. It’s just sick.

And the gun manufacturers have spent two decades aggressively marketing assault weapons which make them the most and largest profit.

For God’s sake, we have to have the courage to stand up to the industry.

Here’s what else I know: Most Americans support commonsense laws — commonsense gun laws.

I just got off my trip from Asia, meeting with Asian leaders, and I learned of this while I was on the aircraft. And what struck me on that 17-hour flight — what struck me was these kinds of mass shootings rarely happen anywhere else in the world.

Why? They have mental health problems. They have domestic disputes in other countries. They have people who are lost. But these kinds of mass shootings never happen with the kind of frequency that they happen in America. Why?

Why are we willing to live with this carnage? Why do we keep letting this happen? Where in God’s name is our backbone to have the courage to deal with it and stand up to the lobbies?

It’s time to turn this pain into action.

For every parent, for every citizen in this country, we have to make it clear to every elected official in this country: It’s time to act.

It’s time — for those who obstruct or delay or block the commonsense gun laws, we need to let you know that we will not forget.

We can do so much more. We have to do more.

Our prayer tonight is for those parents, lying in bed and trying to figure out, “Will I be able to sleep again? What do I say to my other children? What happens tomorrow?”

May God bless the loss of innocent life on this sad day. And may the Lord be near the brokenhearted and save those crushed in spirit, because they’re going to need a lot of help and a lot of our prayers.

God love you.

Adam Bandt: 'Google it, mate', Response to journalist 'gotcha' question - 2022

13 April 2022, National Press Club, Canberra, Australia

Journalist: Just very quickly, talking about fact checking exercises, you said in the speech that wages growth wasn’t going particularly well, what’s the current WPI?

I am sick …. I am sick …. If you want to know why people are turning off politics, it’s because what happens when you have an election that increasingly becomes this basic fact-checking exercise between a government that deserves to be turfed out and an opposition that’s got no vision.

This is what happens. Elections should be about a contest of ideas.

Politics should be about reaching for the stars and offering a better society. And instead, and instead, there’s these questions that are asked ‘can you tell us this particular stat’ or ‘can you tell us that particular stat?’

And those questions are designed to show that politicians are somehow out of touch and not representative of everyday people.

Well newsflash, most people in Canberra are on six figure salaries, just passing time until they go out and work for the coal or gas companies, and get a six or seven figure lobbying job.

Do you know what would be a better way of showing that politicians are in touch with the need of everyday people? It would be passing laws that lift the minimum wage. It would be making dental and mental into Medicare.

It would be making sure that we wipe student debt and build affordable houses.

And when you’ve got wages growing at about 2 per cent and inflation at 3 and a half per cent, that is the part of the problem.

And I hope that at this election, we can lift the standard and turn it into a genuine contest of ideas.

Chris Murphy: 'What are we doing? Why are we here?', speech following Ulvade school massacre - 2022

25 May 2022, Washington DC, USA

Mr. President, there are 14 kids dead in an elementary school in Texas right now. What are we doing? What are we doing?

Just days after a shooter walked into a grocery store to gun down African American patrons, we have another Sandy Hook on our hands. What are we doing? There were more mass shootings than days in the year. Our kids are living in fear every single time they set foot in a classroom because they think they're going to be next. What are we doing?

Why do you spend all this time running for the United States Senate? Why do you go through all the hassle of getting this job, of putting yourself in a position of authority, if your answer is that, as the slaughter increases, as our kids run for their lives, we do nothing? What are we doing?

Why are you here if not to solve a problem as existential as this? This isn't inevitable. These kids weren't unlucky. This only happens in this country and nowhere else. Nowhere else do little kids go to school thinking that they might be shot that day.

Nowhere else do parents have to talk to their kids, as I have had to do, about why they got locked into a bathroom and told to be quiet for five minutes just in case a bad man entered that building. Nowhere else does that happen except here in the United States of America. And it is a choice. It is our choice to let it continue. What are we doing?

In Sandy Hook Elementary school after those kids came back into those classrooms, they had to adopt a practice in which there would be a safe word that the kids would say. If they started to get thoughts in their brain about what they saw that day, if they started to get nightmares during the day, reliving stepping over their classmates bodies as they tried to flee the school. In one classroom, that word was "monkey."

And over and over and over, through the day, kids would stand up and yell ‘monkey’. And a teacher or a paraprofessional would have to go over to that kid, take them out of the classroom, talk to them about what they had seen, worked them through their issues. Sandy Hook will never, ever be the same. This community in Texas will never, ever be the same.

Why? Why are we here if not to try to make sure that fewer schools and fewer communities go through what Sandy Hook has gone through, what Uvalde is going through? Our heart is breaking for these families. Every ounce of love and thoughts and prayers we can send, we are sending.

But I'm here on this floor to beg, to literally get down on my hands and knees and beg my colleagues. Find a path forward here, work with us to find a way to pass laws that make this less likely. I understand my Republican colleagues will not agree to everything that I may support, but there is a common denominator that we can find.

There is a place where we can achieve agreement that may not guarantee that American never, ever again sees a mass shooting, that may not overnight cut in half the number of murders that happen in America. It will not solve the problem of American violence by itself. But by doing something, we at least stop sending this quiet message of endorsement to these killers, whose brains are breaking, who see the highest levels of government doing nothing, shooting after shooting.

What are we doing? Why are we here? What are we doing? I yield the floor.

Anthony Albanese: 'I hope there are families in public housing watching this tonight', Election night victory speech - 2022

21 May 2022, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia

I begin by acknowledging the traditional owners of the land on which we meet. I pay my respects to their elders past, present and emerging. And on behalf of the Australian Labor Party, I commit to the Uluru Statement from the heart in full.

And I say to my fellow Australians, thank you for this extraordinary honour. Tonight, the Australian people have voted for change. I am humbled by this victory and I'm honoured to be given the opportunity to serve as the 31st prime minister of Australia.

My Labor team will work every day to bring Australians together. And I will lead a government worthy of the people of Australia. A government as courageous and hardworking and caring as the Australian people are themselves.

Earlier tonight, Scott Morrison called me to congratulate myself and the Labor Party on our victory at the election.

Scott, very graciously, wished me well. And I thanked him for that and I wish him well. And I thank him for the service that he has given to our country as Prime Minister.

I also want to acknowledge and thank Jenny Morrison and their two daughters for their contribution and sacrifice as well.

My fellow Australians, it says a lot about our great country that a son of a single mum who was a disability pensioner, who grew up in public housing down the road in Camperdown can stand before you tonight as Australia's prime minister.

Every parent wants more for the next generation than they had. My mother dreamt of a better life for me. And I hope that my journey in life inspires Australians to reach for the stars.

I want Australia to continue to be a country that no matter where you live, who you worship, who you love or what your last name is, that places no restrictions on your journey in life. My fellow Australians, I think they've got the name by now. I think they've got that.

I know at the beginning of the campaign they said people didn't know me but I reckon they've got it.

The final warning for Morrison fell on deaf ears. Now women have voted him out
Melbourne seats have left Liberal hands for the first time. But the election holds lessons for Labor too

During this campaign, I have put forward a positive, clear plan for a better future for our country. And I have shared the two principles that will be part of a government that I lead.

No one left behind because we should always look after the disadvantaged and the vulnerable. But also no one held back, because we should always support aspiration and opportunity. That is what my government will do.

That is the what, but the how is also just as important? Because I want to bring Australians together.

I want to seek our common purpose and promote unity and not fear and -- optimism, not fear and division. It is what I have sought to do throughout my political life. And what I will bring to the leadership of our country, it is a show of strength to collaborate and work with people, not weakness.

I want to find that common ground where together we can plant our dreams. To unite around our shared love of this country, our shared faith in Australia's future, our shared values of fairness and opportunity, and hard work and kindness to those in need.

And I can promise all Australians this — no matter how you voted today, the government I lead will respect every one of you every day. And I'll seek to get your vote next time.

We are the greatest country on earth. But we can have an even better future if we seize the opportunities that are right there in front of us. The opportunity to shape change, rather than be shaped by it. And we can shape change more effectively if we seek to you knowing people on that journey of change.

Together we can end the climate wars. Together we can take advantage of the opportunity for Australia to be a renewable energy superpower. Together we can work in common interests with business and unions to drive productivity, lift wages and profits.

I want an economy that works for people, not the other way around. Together we can as a country say that all of us, if the Fair Work Commission doesn't cut the wage of minimum aged workers, we can say that we welcome that absolutely. Together we can strengthen universal healthcare through Medicare.

We can protect universal superannuation. And we can write universal childcare into that proud tradition. Together we can fix the crisis in aged care. Together we can make forward equal opportunity for women a national economic and social priority. Together we can and will establish a national anti-corruption commission. Together we can be a self-reliant, resilient nation, confident in our values and in our place in the world. And together we can embrace the Uluru Statement from the Heart.

We can answer its patient, gracious call for a voice enshrined in our constitution. Because all of us ought to be proud that amongst our great multicultural society we count the oldest living continuous culture in the world. And I acknowledge Australia's next Indigenous Affairs Minister, Linda Burney, who is here.

My fellow Australians, no one gets here by themselves. And I wouldn't be standing here tonight without the support, hard work and belief of so many people. To my parliamentary team, including my Deputy, Richard Marles, and my Senate leader, Penny Wong. My terrific economic team led by Jim Chalmers and Katy Gallagher.

On Monday morning, arrangements are in place to have these people sworn in as members of my team. To enable Penny and I to attend the important Quad leader's meeting in Tokyo, with President Biden, Prime Minister Kishida and Prime Minister Modi. And I want the leaders of the economic team to start work on Monday morning as well.

I wanted to thank my shadow ministry and my amazing caucus members, including the people who are here tonight at this joint function in the corner of our seats, including Tony Burke, who is here. I want to thank all of our Labor candidates. I want to thank all those who have worked so hard for this victory.

We stand on your shoulders, most rank and file members of the Labor Party will never ask for anything. They knock on doors, they make calls, they work so hard. They hand out how to votes. They push the cause of Labor at the local P & C, the local kid's footy, the local netball, when they're shopping in the supermarket, when they talk to their neighbours.

I thank each and every one of the true believers of the Australian Labor Party.

And I proudly thank the members of the mighty trade union movement.

I do want to thank my campaign director, our amazing national secretary, Paul Erickson, and his team. My staff are led by my first campaign director back in 1996. And my electorate office team who haven't seen that much of me, who look after this electorate led by Helen Rogers. Thank you very much.

But to all those — and I'm not going to name them because there's too many — there's a lot of people who believed in me and backed me over many decades in this great movement to be where I am today. You know who you are and I know who you are and I thank you.

I said I've been underestimated my whole life during the campaign. Now while all that is true, I have also been lifted up by others who saw something in me and who encouraged me in life on this journey.

And I pledged to the Australian people here tonight, I am here not to occupy the space, but to make a positive difference each and every day.

And to the amazing diverse people of Grayndler. All politics is local. And in 1996, there were various people who wrote off the chances of Labor holding on to that seat. This is my 10th election. And I want to say thank you for placing your faith in me. It is an absolute honour to be your voice in our national parliament.

To my partner, Jodie, thank you for coming into my life and for sharing this journey.

And to my proudest achievement, my son, Nathan. Thank you, mate, for your love and support. Your mother, who's here tonight, Carmel, we are both so proud of the caring, wonderful, smart young man you have become. Love you, Nathan.

To my Mum, who's beaming down on us. Thank you. And I hope there are families in public housing watching this tonight. Because I want every parent to be able to tell their child no matter where you live or where you come from, in Australia the doors of opportunity are open to us all.

And like every other Labor government, we'll just widen that door a bit more. Friends, we have made history tonight. And tomorrow, together, we begin the work of building a better future. A better future for all Australians. Thank you very much."

Concetta Fierravanti-Wells: 'An autocrat and a bully who has no moral compass', Senate speech about Scott Morrison - 2022

29 March 2022, Canberra, Australia

Given the events and outcomes of the dodgy preselection where I lost by a handful of votes last Saturday, my time in this place will finish on June 30, 2022. Accordingly, there are a few matters I wish to place on the record before my departure. Many in this place would be aware of the history I have had with Scott Morrison. Let me give some clarity and context to that history so there can be no misunderstanding.

In order to understand the man, it is best to look at his past actions. While professing to be a man of faith and claiming centre right status, Morrison is a product of the left, having worked for Bruce Baird. He is adept at running with the foxes and hunting with the hounds, lacking a moral compass and having no conscience. His actions conflict with his portrayal as a man of faith. He has used his so-called faith as a marketing advantage. We learnt the leader of his Hillsong Church group, Brian Houston, was a mentor to Morrison. Houston recently stood down as head of Hillsong because he was charged with sexual offences. It is noteworthy that, in the past, Houston flew top cover for his paedophile father.

[Editor’s note: Houston was not charged with sexual offences, but resigned after being found to have breached Hillsong’s code of conduct.]

When Morrison worked for Tourism Australia, he backstabbed his minister Fran Bailey. Eventually he was fired from the position. As state director of the New South Wales division of the Liberal Party, Morrison honed his manipulative skills when overseeing the Wentworth preselection to unseat Peter King. About 120 membership applications were rejected to help Turnbull get selected, the person Morrison ultimately backstabbed.

Morrison might profess to be Christian, but there was nothing Christian about what was done to Michael Towke. When Morrison made his run for the seat of Cook, there were several hopefuls, including Towke, Fletcher and Coleman. Towke won the ballot in the first round with 84 votes. Morrison got eight votes. Having lost the ballot, Morrison and his cronies went to Sam Dastyari to get dirt on Towke, who had been in the Labor Party for a period of time whilst at university. This dossier of anecdotes was weaponised and leaked to the media to the point where Towke’s reputation was destroyed.

I am advised that there are several statutory declarations to attest to racial comments made by Morrison at the time that we can’t have a Lebanese person in Cook. The state executive voted 12 to 11 not to endorse Towke and ordered a modified selection process. The only way that Towke could get political exoneration for a future run was to agree to put his numbers behind Morrison. Morrison met with David Clarke and I and promised various things. Of course he took our votes and never delivered.

After the selection Towke joined my staff. He subsequently sued the newspapers for defamation. He won his cases but this was cold comfort. Morrison, his cronies and the Liberal establishment in New South Wales had destroyed a good, young man. I regret the day that Clarke and I agreed to put Morrison into Cook. Since then Morrison has never faced a preselection. Hence the trampling of members’ rights in New South Wales. Denying them proper preselections and installing captain’s picks is classic Morrison.

He and his consigliore, Alex Hawke, have deliberately contrived a crisis in New South Wales through a year of delays in not having selections. Hawke, as his representative on state executive for months and months, failed to attend nomination review committee meetings to review candidates, thereby holding up preselections. Spurious arguments were mounted to justify the unjustifiable. The constitution was trashed. There is a putrid stench of corruption emanating from the New South Wales division of the Liberal Party.

All of this was under the eye of Philip Ruddock. As a former attorney-general, I am appalled that he has allowed Morrison to bully his way to a situation where the next election has been put at risk all to save Hawke’s career. This is what it’s all about. Hawke knows that if he faces a plebiscite preselection, he will lose. Morrison has railroaded federal executive into setting up not only a committee which endorsed Hawke, Ley and Zimmerman but a second committee which is now endorsing captain’s picks in seats like Parramatta and Hughes, which were scheduled for preselections this week.

So what is the hold that Hawke has over Morrison? Good question, especially given Hawke’s own corrupt antics in New South Wales. During a speech advocating for a federal integrity commission, I referred to Hawke’s activities and the dealings of the Baulkham Hills branch. At a meeting in 2018, 10 members were admitted to the branch. This was confirmed in text messages from the branch secretary. Hawke was present at the meeting. He saw what went on. I’m told there is video evidence of the meeting. I also have relevant documents, including correspondence sent to Morrison on the issue.

After the meeting, the minutes were falsified to show that the 10 members were not accepted. Statutory declarations were provided to counter this falsity. The branch was eventually suspended by state executive. The branch president and secretary, both acolytes of Hawke, refused to provide statutory declarations. Despite clear evidence of fraud, Hawke’s role in this process has never been fully disclosed. The New South Wales state director has sat on this matter for years. Legal proceedings are now on foot, and I look forward to the day when Hawke will be required to give evidence under oath to explain his corrupt conduct.

There is a very appropriate saying here: the fish stinks from the head. Morrison and Hawke have ruined the Liberal Party in New South Wales by trampling its constitution. Indeed, I understand at a federal executive meeting Morrison was asked whether he was running a protection racket in New South Wales.

In recent months I have kept members of the division updated. I have received hundreds, if not thousands, of emails outlining their disgust. They have lost faith in the party. They want to leave. They don’t like Morrison and they don’t trust him. They continue to despair at our prospects at the next federal election, and they blame Morrison for this. Our members do not want to help in the upcoming election. By now you might be getting the picture that Morrison is not interested in rules-based order. It is his way or the highway — an autocrat and a bully who has no moral compass.

Now to my own situation. Having lost by a handful of votes last Saturday and having analysed the data, I know the numbers tell their own story. Clearly, my push for democracy in the New South Wales division was certainly not welcome. This would mean that the factional operatives can’t control preselections. For years, figures in the Liberal Party have denied the existence of factions and criticised the ALP. This is hypocrisy, given that the Liberal Party is now no different to the Labor Party.

In addition, having been a critic of Morrison on a range of policy matters, I was a marked woman. I have known for a number of years of the machinations involving the PMO and others to move me on. Recent media reports confirmed a deal agreed to by Hawke, Yaron Finkelstein from the PMO, Charles Perrottet, Dallas McInerney, Trent Zimmerman and Matt Kean. In my case, Dallas McInerney from Catholic Schools NSW was encouraged to run against me. Realising he did not have support from the conservative base to win a preselection, they resorted to getting Jim Molan to run, despite Molan having promised he would only see out the Sinodinos term.

In my case, Wade McInerney, brother of Dallas, worked in my office for five years. Following his departure to work for Robert Assaf at Greyhound Racing NSW, I discovered he was engaged in inappropriate conduct and activities. I was duty-bound to refer him to the Australian Federal Police, the Department of Finance and the Australian Government Security Vetting Agency.

Having engaged lawyers and fought hard for a preselection, I got it because my enemies realised my strong support from delegates meant Plan B had to be implemented. Dom Perrottet’s premiership is held together by a thread through a so-called unity deal with the Kean-Poulos left. For years the Perrottets have railed against Hawke, threatening to prosecute the Baulkham Hills matter but never delivering. The Perrottets, the McInerneys, Assaf etc had only about 30 votes between them. In the ultimate act of treachery those numbers were press-ganged into voting for Hawke’s candidate, Molan. Why? In short, the so-called conservative premier aligned with his so-called enemy Hawke to do a deal: Morrison gets his captain’s picks in federal seats and no state members jump ship to the federal arena, which would in turn have crippled the premiership of a supine and weak state leader.

In my public life I have met ruthless people. Morrison tops the list, followed closely by Hawke. Morrison is not fit to be prime minister and Hawke certainly is not fit to be a minister.

Peter Malinauskas: 'The Liberal Party are not our enemies', Election night victory - 2022

19 March 2022, Adelaide, South Australia

To our friends men and women of Labor, to the people of South Australia.

I stand here with my feet firmly on the lands of the Kaurna people. I pay my respects to their elders past present and emerging, but the way we pay our respects first and foremost, is not with our words, but with our deeds. And I affirm to each and every one of you here tonight, and the people across our state, that I very much look forward to, for the first time in the history of our Federation, having an initiated Aboriginal man leading our state's Aboriginal affairs movement, but also actively delivering on a state based voice treaty and truth for the Aboriginal people of our state.

Only only a few short moments ago. I received a telephone call from Steven Marshall. Stephen Marshall's call was utterly generous. It was gracious. And it was done with the class that we have become incredibly familiar with. Stephen Marshall has been the leader of the Liberal party in South Australia for nine years including four years as premier. And that is a very significant contribution to his party, and to our state. And we very much thank him for it

I would also like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the Liberal Party of Australia. The Liberal Party of Australia is an essential component of our Federation. It's essential component of our democratic process. And I take this opportunity, this is important, I take this opportunity to acknowledge that the Liberal Party are not our enemies. They may be our adversary. They may be our adversary, but they are not our enemies. And we thank them, on what is a significant tonight for them too. There are a lot of there are a lot of MPs and candidates tonight who have not been successful at this election, and in our democracy, that is a particularly difficult price to pay. And I want to acknowledge all of the families of those MPs who have lost their positions tonight. Politics is a tough business. And while we are right to be proud of our efforts tonight, we should acknowledge the hard work of others.

But first and foremost I would like to take this opportunity to thank the people of South Australia. It is not lost on me, the significance of the privilege and the size of the responsibility that you invested in me in my team. Which means for my all of my MPs tonight, particularly the newly minted ones, and I'm incredibly proud of each and every one of them, it means that we've got a big job to do.

I think sometimes on election nights, when governments change hands, that the successful party can confuse the elation of electoral success with an inflated sense of achievement. Naturally people of South Australian Labor are right to feel satisfied tonight, but true satisfaction for us comes in realising our ambition, our ideal of delivering a fairer, better society and more opportunity for those who need it most.

To that end, I do believe that we have the policy and the plan to realise that ambition, but more than that, I know that I lead the team to deliver it. I want to thank one of the most intelligent, compassionate, hardworking, and reliable people I've ever met in my entire life, our great deputy leader, and future deputy premier, Susan Close.

[ 'Susan, Susan']

If we were cheeky, we'd be cheering out 'Dr. Susan', but that's another thing. People may not know, but Susan has been working so diligently behind the scenes compiling our policy effort, which is substantial. And I simply would not have been able to be here tonight without her. So thank you very much, Susan.

In the next parliament of South Australia, there will be a, a new longest serving MP. It's characterised as 'the father of the house'. And I do want to take this opportunity to acknowledge the longer serving MP in our parliament now. An individual that has been in serving in the parliament, have I get this maths right, for over 25 years. Every team needs a lion, and in Labor we have a loyal Labor lion in the honourable Tom Kousantonis. I've known Tom for a while, but, and we don't always agree, and when we when we disagree, it can get interesting. But the thing about about Tom is that he and I, like every other South Australian are utterly committed to our families and the long term future of our state. And I thank him for his service.

To the whole of my parliamentary team though. the confidence that you've invested in me from the moment I became leader has provided me with the greatest privilege of my life — up until a couple of hours ago— and I thank you for the confidence that you invested in me too.

To the most successful campaign director in Australia, Mr. Reggie, Martin,

Reggie Reggie, Reggie

Reggie,and I met in an old beat up Hyundai Excel, driving around visiting night workers many, many years ago. And it's hard to believe we're here today. But Reggie has been a, a loyal servant of the party for a long time. He is been campaign director for three separate elections. He's won two out of three of them, and I say two outta three ain't bad, Reggie. So well done.

The leader of the opposition, isn't blessed with the an abundant array of resources, so you rely on the few staff that you, that you have. And each, every one of my staff have been truly exceptional over the last four years and I thank them all. But they've been, ablely led by the hardest worker I know anywhere in the Labor movement, my good mate John Bistrovic. So thank you very much John.

To to all the volunteers that dedicate themselves to a night like tonight, but also doing some good in the Labor Party, we can't do it without you. I thank each and every one of you.

To Every every single Labor leader in the history of our great party, always stands on the shoulders of giants. And in the case of the Australian Labor party, those giants are millions of hardworking men and women across this country, ably represented by the Australian trade union movement. It takes a lot of courage to represent your fellow worker and sometimes put yourself in harm's way. And tonight I do want to particularly acknowledge all those hardworking people within our health system. Every doctor, every nurse, every hospital orderly, they've all served us so incredibly well during the pandemic, but a particular shout-out tonight to our ambos.

But Labor at its best, always, always embraces the notion that to achieve the right balance between the interests of capital and Labor, then hardworking individual contractors, sole traders, small and medium business owners, then they are equally as important to our ambitions for a fair society as any other of Labor's traditional constituencies. So I acknowledge them as well.

To my mother, Kate, who's here somewhere. To my mother, Kate and her late parents Bob and Ursula, to my father, Peter and his late parents, Peter and Etta.They've taught me everything I know and taught me the value of hard work, and I can't thank you enough. I'd also like to acknowledge my parents in law, Robin and Vicki and collectively that unit represents the most professional babysitters you've ever met in your entire life. And I thank them for all their hard work

Friends, there's a there's a quote that I think in Australian democracy, in western liberal democracy around the world, we should reflect on a little bit more often. It comes from a retired Supreme Court justice by the name of Felix Frankfurter. He famously said that 'the highest office in any democracy is the office of citizen'. When it comes to our democracy, there's never a truer word spoken. I think sometimes we are vulnerable to taking that for granted. This morning, I experienced the most humbling moment of the campaign. This morning, I was at Woodville Gardens polling booth, and I arrived there with Retab and Michelis Atahali, Syrian refugees who only six months ago became citizens of Australia. They were voting for the first time today.

They came, they came from a town just outside of Aleppo where their home was bombed only a years ago. Everything they had was lost. They had a young son, and they had nowhere to live. They fled to Lebanon where they waited for four or five years trying to find a permanent place they could call home. And it was Australia that opened our heart to this beautiful Syrian family, who by then had grown to having three children. And they came to this nation seeking one thing above all else, the opportunity to have a say on their destiny and their future. And today, as Annabel and I lined up at the polling booth next to them, it struck me —here I was, as the leader of their Labor party, the alternate premier of the state, standing next to this beautiful couple who were voting for the very first time, who came here with nothing to their name. And at that very moment, as we were standing next to each other, our votes were worth exactly the same. One could sense the hope, the desire, the aspiration that their votes, their votes had the power to deliver a better society, a fairer future, not just for themselves, but for their children and their children. The democratic ritual is one that we should never take for granted, particularly now, more than ever, at this special moment in time, we get one shot to recover from a global pandemic as a state and as a nation.

And when we look back on this moment in 20 years time, let them say that this generation was the new reconstruction generation. Let them say that we took this opportunity to deliver an economy that left noone behind. Let them say that we took this opportunity to invest in education, training, and skills so that every young person could fulfil their potential. Let them say, Let them say that this generation realised the opportunity of a clean energy future and all the jobs it can provide. Let them say, that we had a generational investment in health and mental health to ensure that people call Triple Zero, the ambulance rolls up on time.

Let them say, let them say that in this moment, this most unique occasion, that this generation decided not just to think about the next four years, but for the next generation to live out on that truly egalitarian, Australian ideal that we care for others more than we care for ourselves. Thank you very much.

Richard Boyd Barrett: 'If you're going to have moral standards, those standards have to be consistent!' Call for action on Israel apartheid - 2022

2 March 2022, Dublin, Ireland

Minister, myself and deputy John Brady requested this debate at the business committee on Amnesty International's utterly damning report that Israel is a state that is operating a system of apartheid, and in doing so are committing crimes against humanity, and call for sanctions to ensure that that system, that inhumane and inhuman system, is dismantled.

Now we called for this debate prior to the barbaric invasion of Ukraine by Vladimir Putin. And all of us have rightly condemned the crimes against humanity that are being committed by Vladimir Putin in Ukraine. And the government has moved instantly, within five days, to sanction Putin's regime and take urgent action. And the strength of language that was used, rightly against Putin, as a barbarian, as a thug, as a murderer, as a warmonger, all of which are true, all of those things, all of those things applied, applied to the state of Israel in its treatment of the Palestinians. And yet the government is 'concerned' about its use of language, and doesn't feel it is appropriate to even use the word apartheid, when Amnesty International, the most respected human rights organisation in the world, and Human Rights Watch, within a very short period of time, issue these damning reports saying that Israel, since its foundation, has been built on a system of oppression and domination and apartheid and racism Involving the murder of unarmed innocent civilians on a regular basis, arbitrary detention and imprisonment, land annexations, the displacement of people, the denial of basic fundamental rights to six million Palestinians who are displaced outside Israel in the Occupied Territories to the rights of their return to their homes, to the illegal blockade of Gaza, which is left, as they say in the report, 'Gaza in a permanent state of humanitarian crisis', denying people access to food, to water, and treating the Arab population as a whole, the Palestinian population as a whole, as an inferior race.

I mean, it doesn't get stronger than this, And yet you want to be careful about your language. You are happy to correctly use the most strong and robust language to describe the crimes against humanity of Vladimir Putin, but you will not use the same strength of language when it comes to describing the Israel's treatment of the Palestinians when it is now being documented and detailed by two of the most respected human rights organisations in the world. And indeed has been alleged by dozens and dozens of non-governmental organisations. And to be honest, anybody who looks honestly at the decades of brutal inhumane, persecution of the Palestinian, successive assaults on Gaza, the annexation of the land and territory, the systematic application of apartheid rules, you don't want to even use the word 'apartheid'. Nevermind sanctions. Five days, sanctions against Putin and his thugs, Seventy years of oppression of the Palestinians. And it wouldn't be —what was the word you used? — It wouldn't be 'helpful' to impose sanctions.

Amnesty International are calling for Israel to be referred to the international criminal courts for crimes against humanity. Will you support it? They are calling for targeted sanctions against Israeli officials who are perpetuating the system of apartheid. Just exactly the same types of sanctions you've just initiated against Vladimir Putin, will you support it? And I think the answer is clearly, you're not going to.

And then we asked the question why. Why? With such strength of feeling Fine Gael and Fianna Fail and Green TDs stood up one after the othe,r saying it was intolerable the thuggery and the warmongering and the brutality of Putin, you wouldn't stand for it, urgent action had to be taken, but we've got to be much more careful with the Palestinians and their treatment. And I haven't even got time to [talk about] the briefing I organised this week about the people of Yemen, and how Saudi Arabia, the most despotic regime in the world, armed to the teeth by the United States, Britain, France, and others, killing 337,000 people in Yemen in the last five years, 10,000 children, any action against the United States for arming them? Or Britain or France? Or Saudi itself?

No, no action, no sanctions, no outrage, words of concern. 'We'll raise it'. 'We'll raise it'. 'We'll call on them to do things'. Now you see, if you're going to have moral standards, those standards have to be consistent, otherwise they are not standards at all. They are just cynicism. And of course, we all know the reason that the standards are not consistent is because to call out the apartheidstate of Israel, would be to run foul of the concerns of certain states that are now presenting themselves as defenders of democracy.and so on, such as the United States, the UK, Germany, and other powers. Whose relationship with Israel, supporting it and backing, it, means that the European Union's moral credentials are bankrupted. And that they are not willing to take the action.

And we go along with that.

That is not acceptable. So I appeal to you, minister. I appeal to you, to uphold the tradition this country has, going right back to its foundation, to opposing oppression of peoples, and standing up against brutal powers that are willing to subjugate people, like the Palestinians or any others.

Show some moral backbone, show some consistency, and support the motion that we have circulated to every TD in this house, which Sinn Fein have now signed, which the number of the Left Independents, which People Before Profit have signed, calling for the adoption of the recommendations of the Amnesty report and for the sanctions that must follow that they recommend. Will you support those things? Because if you don't, to be honest, all the words of concern, all the raising it, means nothing to the Palestinian people.



George W Bush: 'The world was loud with carnage and sirens, and then quiet with missing voices', 20th anniversary of 9-11 - 2021

11 September 2021, Shanksville, Pennsylvania, USA

Thank you all. Thank you very much. Laura and I are honored to be with you, Madam Vice President, Vice President Cheney, Gov. Wolf, Secretary Haaland, and distinguished guests.

Twenty years ago, we all found, in different ways, in different places, but all at the same moment, that our lives would be changed forever.

The world was loud with carnage and sirens, and then quiet with missing voices that would never be heard again. These lives remain precious to our country and infinitely precious to many of you. Today, we remember your loss, we share your sorrow and we honor the men and women that you have loved so long and so well.

For those too young to recall that clear September day, it is hard to describe the mix of feelings we experienced. There was horror at the scale of destruction and awe at the bravery and kindness that rose to meet it. There was shock at the audacity of evil and gratitude for the heroism and decency that opposed it.

In the sacrifice of first responders and the mutual aid of strangers, in the solidarity of grief and grace, the actions of an enemy revealed the spirit of the people. And we were proud of our wounded nation.

In these memories, the passengers and crew of Flight 93 must always have an honored place. Here, the intended targets became the instruments of rescue, and many who are now alive owe a vast, unconscious debt to the defiance displayed in the skies above this field.

It would be a mistake to idealize the experience of those terrible events. All that many people could initially see was the brute randomness of death. All that many could feel was unearned suffering. All that many could hear was God's terrible silence. There are many who still struggle with the lonely pain that cuts deep within.

In those fateful hours, we learned other lessons as well. We saw that Americans were vulnerable, but not fragile. That they possessed a core of strength that survives the worst that life can bring. We learned that bravery is more common than we imagined, emerging with sudden splendor in the face of death. We vividly felt how every hour with our loved ones was a temporary and holy gift. And we found that even the longest days end.

Many of us have tried to make spiritual sense of these events. There is no simple explanation for the mix of providence and human will that sets the direction of our lives. But comfort can come from a different sort of knowledge. After wandering in the dark, many have found they were actually walking step by step toward grace.

As a nation our adjustments have been profound. Many Americans struggled to understand why an enemy would hate us with such zeal. The security measures incorporated into our lives are both sources of comfort and reminders of our vulnerability. And we have seen growing evidence that the dangers to our country can come not only across borders but from violence that gathers within.

There's little cultural overlap between violent extremists abroad and violent extremists at home. But in their disdain for pluralism, in their disregard of human life, in their determination to defile national symbols, they are children of the same foul spirit, and it is our continuing duty to confront them.

After 9/11, millions of brave Americans stepped forward and volunteered to serve in the armed forces. The military measures taken over the last 20 years to pursue dangers at their source have led to debate. But one thing is certain: We owe an assurance to all those who have fought our nation’s most recent battles.

Let me speak directly to veterans and people in uniform. The cause you pursued at the call of duty is the noblest America has to offer. You have shielded your fellow citizens from danger. You have defended the beliefs of your country and advanced the rights of the downtrodden. You have been the face of hope and mercy in dark places. You have been a force for good in the world. Nothing that has followed -- nothing -- can tarnish your honor or diminish your accomplishments. To you and the honored dead, our country is forever grateful.

In the weeks and months following the 9/11 attacks, I was proud to lead an amazing, resilient united people. When it comes to the unity of American people, those days seem distant from our own. Malign force seems at work in our common life that turns every disagreement into an argument and every argument into a clash of cultures. So much of our politics has become a naked appeal to anger, fear and resentment. That leaves us worried about our nation and our future together. I come without explanations or solutions. I can only tell you what I've seen.

On America's day of trial and grief I saw millions of people instinctively grab for a neighbor's hand and rally to the cause of one another. That is the America I know. At a time when religious bigotry might have flowed freely, I saw Americans reject prejudice and embrace people of Muslim faith. That is the nation I know. At a time when nativism could have stirred hatred and violence against people perceived as outsiders, I saw Americans reaffirm their welcome to immigrants and refugees. That is the nation I know. At a time when some viewed the rising generation as individualistic and decadent, I saw young people embrace an ethic of service and rise to selfless action. That is the nation I know.

This is not mere nostalgia, it is the truest version of ourselves. It is what we have been, and what we can be again. Twenty years ago, terrorists chose a random group of Americans on a routine flight to be collateral damage in a spectacular act of terror. The 33 passengers and seven crew of Flight 93 could have been any group of citizens selected by fate. In a sense, they stood in for us all.

The terrorists soon discovered that a random group of Americans is an exceptional group of people, facing an impossible circumstance. They comforted their loved ones by phone, braced each other for action and defeated the designs of evil.

These Americans were brave, strong and united in ways that shocked the terrorists but should not surprise any of us. This is the nation we know. And whenever we need hope and inspiration, we can look to the skies and remember. God bless.