Franklin D Roosevelt: 'There was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold' First fireside chat - 1933

My friends:

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking -- to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.

I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be. I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen. I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday. And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.

First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault. It invests your money in many different forms of credit -- in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans. In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around. A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency -- an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen. In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.

What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold -- a rush so great that the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand. The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value. By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business. Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states. It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government’s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.

The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come. This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities. And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress -- Republicans and Democrats alike -- showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.

The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.

This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation. Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week. Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening. The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call. The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country. It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.

Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated. We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.

As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities -- those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right. That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses. That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States. In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.

On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government's physical ability to complete its survey It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.

Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open. A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.

I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System. There is no occasion for that worry. These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities. These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks. And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.

It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals. Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation. It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money -- that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes -- the phantom of fear will soon be laid. People will again be glad to have their money where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time. I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.

The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public -- on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.

Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before. More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets. This currency is not fiat currency. It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.

One more point before I close. There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized. The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.

I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.

We have had a bad banking situation. Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people’s funds. They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans. This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all. And so it became the Government’s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible. And that job is being performed.

I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided; and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift. I can even promise you salvation for some, at least, of the sorely presses banks. We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.

It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country. I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.

After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves. Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan. You people must have faith; you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses. Let us unite in banishing fear. We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.

It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.

Together we cannot fail.

Adolf Hitler: 'The relationship with Poland has become unbearable', Speech to the Commanders in Chief - 1939

22 August 1939, Berghof Retreat, Obersalzberg, Bavaria, Germany

I have called you together to give you a picture of the political situation, in order that you may have some insight into the individual factors on which I have based my decision to act, and in order to strengthen your confidence.

After this we shall discuss military details.

It was clear to me that a conflict with Poland had to come sooner or later. I had already made this decision in the spring, but I thought that I would first turn against the West in a few years, and only after that against the East. But the sequence of these things cannot be fixed. Nor should one close one’s eyes to threatening situations. I wanted first of all to establish a tolerable relationship with Poland in order to fight first against the West. But this plan, which appealed to me, could not be executed, as fundamental points had changed. It became clear to me that, in the event of a conflict with the West, Poland would attack us. Poland is striving for access to the sea. This further development appeared after the occupation of the Memel Territory, and it became clear to me that in certain circumstances a conflict with Poland might come at an inopportune moment. I give as reasons for this conclusion:

1. First of all, two factors related to persons:

There is myself and there is Mussolini.

Essentially all depends on me, on my existence, because of my political talents. Furthermore, the fact that probably no one will ever again have the trust of the whole German people as I have. There will probably never again in the future be a man with more authority than I have. My existence is therefore a factor of great value. But I can be eliminated at any time by a criminal or a lunatic.

The second person to be taken into account is the Duce. His existence is also decisive. If anything happens to him, Italy’s loyalty to the alliance will no longer be certain. The Italian Court is fundamentally opposed to the Duce. Above all, the Court regards the expansion of the empire as an encumbrance. The Duce is the man with the strongest nerves in Italy.

The third person who can be counted in our favor is Franco. We can ask only for benevolent neutrality from Spain. But this depends on Franco himself. He guarantees a certain uniformity and stability in the present system in Spain. We must accept the fact that Spain does not as yet have a Fascist party with our internal unity.

The other side presents a negative picture as far as authoritative persons are concerned. There is no exceptional person in England and France.

It is easy for us to make decisions. We have nothing to lose; we have everything to gain. Because of our restrictions [Einschränkungen] our economic situation is such that we can only hold out for a few more years. Göring can confirm this. We have no other choice, we must act. Our opponents will be risking a great deal and can gain only a little. Britain’s stake in a war is inconceivably great. Our enemies have leaders who are below the average. They lack exceptional persons, masters, men of action.

Besides the factors related to persons, the political situation is favorable for us: In the Mediterranean, rivalry between Italy, France, and England; in the Far East, tension between Japan and England; in the Middle East, tension which causes alarm in the Mohammedan world.

The English Empire did not emerge stronger from the last war. Nothing was achieved from the maritime point of view. Strife between England and Ireland. The Union of South Africa has become more independent. Concessions have had to be made to India. England is in the utmost peril. Unhealthy industrialization. A British statesman can only view the future with concern.

France’s position has also deteriorated, above all in the Mediterranean.

Further factors in our favor are these:

Since Albania, there has been a balance of power in the Balkans. Yugoslavia is infected with the fatal germ of decay because of her internal situation.

Romania has not grown stronger. She is open to attack and vulnerable. She is threatened by Hungary and Bulgaria. Since Kemal’s death, Turkey has been ruled by petty minds, unsteady, weak men.

All these favorable circumstances will no longer prevail in two or three year’s time. No one knows how much longer I shall live. Therefore, better a conflict now.

The creation of Greater Germany was a great achievement politically, but militarily it was doubtful, since it was achieved by bluff on the part of the political leaders. It is necessary to test the military. If at all possible, not in a general reckoning, but by the accomplishment of individual tasks.

The relationship with Poland has become unbearable. My Polish policy hitherto was contrary to the views of the people. My proposals to Poland (Danzig and the Corridor) were frustrated by England’s intervention. Poland changed her tone towards us. A permanent state of tension is intolerable. The power of initiative cannot be allowed to pass to others. The present moment is more favorable than in two or three years’ time. An attempt on my life or Mussolini’s could change the situation to our disadvantage. One cannot forever face one another with rifles cocked. One compromise suggested to us was that we should change our convictions and make gestures. They talked to us again in the language of Versailles. There was a danger of losing prestige. Now there still is a great probability that the West will not intervene. We must take the risk with ruthless determination. The politician must take a risk just as much as the general. We are faced with the harsh alternatives to strike or to face certain annihilation sooner or later.

I will refer to previous hazardous undertakings.

I would have been stoned if I had not been proven right. The most dangerous step was the entry into the neutral zone. Only a week before, I got a warning through France. I have always taken a great risk in the conviction that it would succeed.

Now it is also a great risk. Iron nerves, iron resolution.

The following particular reasons give me strength in my conviction. England and France have undertaken obligations which neither is in a position to fulfill. There is no real rearmament in England, but only propaganda. A great deal of harm was done by many Germans, who were not in agreement with me, saying and writing to English people after the solution of the Czech question: The Führer was proven right because you lost your nerve, because you capitulated too soon. This explains the present propaganda war. The English speak of a war of nerves. One factor in this war of nerves is the demonstration of increase in armaments. But what are the real facts about British rearmament? The naval construction program for 1938 has not yet been completed. Only the reserve fleet has been mobilized. Trawlers have been purchased. No substantial strengthening of the Navy before 1941 or 1942.

Little has been done on land. England will be able to send at most three divisions to the Continent. A few things have been done for the Air Force, but it is only a beginning. Anti-aircraft defense is in its initial stages. At the moment England has only 150 anti-aircraft guns. The new anti-aircraft guns have been ordered. It will be long time before enough have been produced. There is a shortage of predictors. England is still vulnerable from the air. This could change in two or three years. At the moment the English Air Force has only 130,000 men, France 72,000, Poland 15,000. England does not want the conflict to break out for two or three years.

The following is typical of England: Poland wanted a loan from England for her rearmament. England, however, only granted credits in order to make sure that Poland would buy in England, although England cannot deliver. This suggests that England does not really want to support Poland. She is not risking eight million pounds in Poland, although she poured five hundred million into China. England’s position in the world is very precarious. She will not take any risks.

France is short of men (decline in the birth rate). Little has been done for rearmament. The artillery is obsolete. France did not want to embark on this adventure. The West has only two possibilities for fighting against us:

1. Blockade: It will not be effective because of our autarky and because we have supply sources in Eastern Europe.

2. Attack in the West from the Maginot line: I consider this impossible.

Another possibility would be the violation of Dutch, Belgian and Swiss neutrality. I have no doubt that all these States, as well as Scandinavia, will defend their neutrality with all available means. England and France will not violate the neutrality of these countries. Thus in actual fact England cannot help Poland. There still remains an attack on Italy. Military intervention is out of the question. No one is counting on a long war. If Herr von Brauchitsch had said to me, “I need four years to conquer Poland,” I would have replied: “Then it’s impossible.” It is nonsense to say that England wants to wage a long war.

We will hold our position in the West until we have conquered Poland. We must bear in min our great production capacity. It is much greater than in 1914–1918.

The enemy had another hope, that Russia would become our enemy after the conquest of Poland. The enemy did not reckon with my great strength of purpose. Our enemies are small fry. I saw them in Munich.

I was convinced that Stalin would never accept the English offer. Russia has no interest in preserving Poland, and Stalin knows that it would mean the end of his régime, no matter whether his soldiers emerged from a war victorious or vanquished.

Litvinov’s replacement was decisive. I brought about the change with respect to Russia gradually. We got into political conversations in connection with the commercial treaty. Proposal for a non-aggression pact. Then came a comprehensive proposal from Russia. Four days ago I took a special step, which led to Russia replying yesterday that she is prepared to sign. Personal contact with Stalin is established. The day after tomorrow von Ribbentrop will conclude the treaty. Now Poland is in the position in which I wanted her.

We need not be afraid of a blockade. The East will supply us with grain, cattle, coal, lead, and zinc. It is a mighty aim, which demands great efforts. I am only afraid that at the last moment some swine or other will yet submit to me a plan for mediation.

The political objective goes further. A start has been made on the destruction of England’s hegemony. After I have made the political preparations, the way will be open for the soldiers.

Today’s announcement of the non-aggression pact with Russia came as a bombshell. The consequences cannot be foreseen. Stalin also said that this course will benefit both countries. The effect on Poland will be tremendous.

In reply, Göring thanked the Führer and assured him that the Wehrmacht would do their duty.

Source of English translation: Speech by the Führer to the Commanders in Chief on August 22, 1939, in United States Department of State, Documents on German Foreign Policy: From the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1957–1964. Series D (1937–1945), The Last Days of Peace, Volume 7: August 9–September 3, 1939. Document 192, pp. 200–04. Edited by GHI staff.

Source of original German text: Ansprache Hitlers an die Oberbefehlshaber am 22. August 1939 über seine Absicht, Krieg zu führen und seine politischen Vorbereitungen dazu, sowie Voraussagungen über die Haltung anderer europäischer Staaten und den wahrscheinlichen Kriegsverlauf (Beweisstück US-29), in Der Prozess gegen die Hauptkriegsverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof. Nürnberg 14. November 1945–1. Oktober 1946. Volume XXVI, Amtlicher Text–Deutsche Ausgabe, Urkunden und anderes Beweismaterial. Nuremberg 1947. Reprint: Munich, Delphin Verlag, 1989. Document 798-PS, pp. 338–44.

Gloria Steinem: 'We have people power and we will use it', Women's March on Washington - 2017

21 January 2017, Washington DC, USA

Friends, sisters and brothers, all of you who are before me today and in 370 marches in every state in this country and on six continents and those who will be communing with us in one at 1 [p.m.] in a silent minute for equality in offices, in kitchens, in factories, in prisons, all over the world. I thank each of you, and I especially want to thank the hardworking visionary organizers of this women-led, inclusive march, one of whom managed to give birth while she was organizing this march. Who else can say that?

Thank you for understanding that sometimes we must put our bodies where our beliefs are. Sometimes pressing send is not enough. And this also unifies us with the many in this world who do not have computers or electricity or literacy, but do have the same hopes and the same dreams.

I think that because I and my beloved co-chairs, the Golden oldies right?–Harry Belafonte, Dolores Huerta, LaDonna Harris–all these great people, we may be the oldest marchers here today, so I've been thinking about the uses of a long life, and one of them is you remember when things were worse.

We remember the death of the future, with Martin Luther King, with Jack Kennedy, with Bobby Kennedy, with Malcom X. Without those deaths for instance, Nixon would not have been elected, and there would not have been many of the wars that we had. Now, our great leaders like Barack Obama and Michelle Obama are still with us and remember how much we feared they might not be, and how much threat there was, in fact, on their lives. And they are with us.

And now, our honored Bernie Sanders is still with us. And not only with us but he's focusing on economic justice and achieving free universal college education in my state of New York. And now Hillary Clinton is alive and definitely not in jail. She who told the whole world that women's rights are human rights and human rights are women's rights. So crucial, when collectively violence against females in the world has produced a world in which for the first time there are fewer females than males.

I'm not trying to deny the danger that this day initiates. Trump and his handlers have found a fox for every chicken coop in Washington, and a Twitter finger must not become a trigger finger. Some very experienced doctors of the American Psychiatric Association have publicly written to warn us that, and I quote, "His widely reported symptoms of mental instability, including grandiosity, impulsivity, hyper-sensitivity to slights or criticisms, and an apparent inability to distinguish between fantasy and reality, lead us to question his fitness for the immense responsibilities of the office." Unquote.

This was on full display in his inaugural address yesterday. Everything that happened before him was a disaster. And everything that he would do would be fantastic, the best ever, miracles, and all the superlatives. He also said he was with the people. Indeed, he was the people. To paraphrase a famous quote, I just have to say, "I have met the people, and you are not them." We are the people.

Just this march in Washington today required 1,000 more buses than the entire Inauguration. A thousand more buses! And I was just talking with people from our many sister marches, including the one in Berlin, and they asked me to send a special message: "We in Berlin know that walls don't work."

And remember Poland where last month the government passed an anti-abortion law and six million women turned out in the streets and they had to change it. We are the people. We have people power and we will use it. All the power that you tried to eliminate. For instance, you tried to eliminate the Congressional Ethics Committee. You had to reinstate it, right? Because of people power. Because this, this, is the upside of the downside. This is an outpouring of energy and true democracy like I have never seen in my very long life. It is wide in age. It is deep in diversity. And remember the constitution does not begin with "I, the president." It begins with "We, the people."

So don't try to divide us. Do not try to divide us. If you force Muslims to register, we will all register as Muslims. I know that there are women here from corporations and media and all kinds of places that make it kind of risky for you to say what you care about, what you feel, and what you support. And there are women here, I know, who have survived a national and global sex industry that profiteers from body invasion. We are united here for bodily integrity. If you cannot control your body from the skin in, you cannot control it from the skin out, you cannot control your lives, our lives. And that means that the right to decide whether and when to give birth without government interference.

We are here and around the world for a deep democracy that says we will not be quiet, we will not be controlled, we will work for a world in which all countries are connected. God may be in the details, but the goddess is in connections. We are at one with each other, we are looking at each other, not up. No more asking daddy.

We are linked. We are not ranked. And this is a day that will change us forever because we are together. Each of us individually and collectively will never be the same again. When we elect a possible president we too often go home. We've elected an impossible president, we're never going home. We're staying together. And we're taking over. I thank you from the bottom of my heart. Make sure you introduce yourselves to each other and decide what we're gonna do tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow and we're never turning back. Thank you.

Charles III: 'Tonight, we are here to renew an indispensable alliance,' White House State Dinner - 2026

29 April 2026, Washington DC, USA

Mr. President, First Lady,

My wife and I are most grateful to you for your generous hospitality as the United States celebrates this very special anniversary year of the Declaration of Independence.

May I also just start by paying tribute to your own courage and steadfastness, as well as to your security services for their swift actions on Saturday evening in preventing further injury. My thoughts and sympathies are with you, the First Lady and all those guests for whom this must have been a very upsetting incident. As the words of that famous anthem remind us, this is the land of the free and home of the brave as your own response demonstrates. What used to be called in the last War in the United Kingdom, Keep Calm and Carry on...!

I now realize, to my amazement, that my first visit to this remarkable country was over fifty years ago and, Mr. President, the golden threads of history and heritage between our lands are also embodied in your own family story, whose roots trace back to the beautiful landscapes of Britain’s Outer Hebrides and continue, as we know, in the great golf courses of the Highlands. I can only imagine the immense pride with which your own dear Mother, indeed both your Parents, must be looking down on the great office to which you have been elected for a historic second term.

And if I may say so, it is a particular pleasure to be back in this wonderful building, the heart of your democracy. On this occasion, I cannot help noticing the ‘readjustments’ to the East Wing, Mr. President, following your visit to Windsor Castle last year. I am sorry to say that we British, of course, made our own attempt at real estate redevelopment of the White House in 1814.

I am so glad we have an important opportunity, at this critical time, to renew those bonds of history and friendship between our Nations and our peoples. Two and a half centuries ago, the United States of America was founded through an audacious and visionary act of self-determination. From the beginning, the American character has been defined by courage, tenacity and the spirit of adventure. As the direct descendant of King George III, I know this is a Nation that never gives up.

My family’s history remains reflected in your maps, which read rather like our Christmas card list across the ages – North and South Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, and the cities of Charleston (a particular favourite of mine, obviously), Georgetown (and, for that matter, Georgia), Annapolis, as you mentioned, and (further favourites) Prince William County and Williamsburg. This said, our French friends can feel equally at home with a glance at a map. Indeed, you recently commented, Mr. President, that if it were not for the United States, European countries would be speaking German. Dare I say that, if it wasn’t for us, you’d be speaking French...! Of course, we both love our French cousins greatly, and we three states are not only bound by our shared values, but by a profound belief that, together, we are more than the sum of our parts.

Out of the fires of a bitter and bloody Revolutionary War, the triumph of the father of this country, George Washington, and his fellow founders, was to forge a democracy founded upon the rights to liberty and the Rule of Law.

The story of Britain and America is one of reconciliation, from adversaries to the closest of allies; not always, perhaps, following the straightest path. As you said yourself, Mr President, during your own State Visit at Windsor Castle last year, ours is an unbreakable bond of history and heritage, culture and commerce, industry and invention – and we are determined to face the future together.

Tonight, we are here to renew an indispensable alliance which has long been a cornerstone of prosperity and security for both British and American citizens. Our people have fought and fallen together in defence of the values we cherish. Across the ocean, and from coast to coast, we have traded, innovated and created together. We have stood together through the best and worst of times.

However, the challenges we now face, from those who wish us harm across the world, to balancing the risks and opportunities of powerful new technologies, to the threats to the very international rules that have allowed us to trade and have kept power in balance for eighty years; those challenges encourage us to reaffirm, tonight, the basis on which our partnership has been built.

And yes, we have had our moments of difficulty even in more recent history. When my mother visited in 1957, not the least of her tasks was to help put the “Special” back into our Relationship after a crisis in the Middle East. Nearly seventy years on, it is hard to imagine anything like that happening today....

But it is not hard to see how important the relationship remains, in matters both seen and unseen.

My mother’s first Prime Minister, Sir Winston Churchill, understood this so well. But then he himself was half American – a tradition of shared transatlantic heritage which I am pleased to say is alive and well in the White House today! Indeed, such was the closeness, that Sir Winston, whilst staying here in the White House – in one of the rooms you showed us upstairs - emerged naked from the bathtub to discover the door opening as President Roosevelt came in for a chat. With rapier wit, the President cast aside any embarrassment by declaring that, ‘the Prime Minister has nothing to conceal from the President of the United States’. This warmth came after testing times between our leaders in the early 1940s.

The kinship and friendship of many centuries provided great reassurance to my late grandfather King George VI, as it did to my late Mother.

It means every bit as much to me.

Of course, my late Mother met no fewer than thirteen serving Presidents – thankfully, all of them fully clothed! The first President I had the honour of meeting – at the age of ten, in 1959, when he came to Balmoral – was President Eisenhower, who had served as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Forces during World War II at a most critical time in the darkest days of the 20th century. American leadership helped rebuild a shattered continent playing a decisive role as a defender of freedom in Europe. We – and I – shall never forget that, not least as freedom is again under attack following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Today, our partnerships in NATO and AUKUS deepen our technological and military cooperation and ensure that, together, we can meet the challenges of an increasingly complex and contested world. And speaking of submarine alliances, there was one particular AUKUS predecessor, launched from a UK shipyard in 1944, that served for the majority of her life attached to the 4th Submarine Squadron in Australia, playing a critical role during the war in the Pacific.

Her name? HMS Trump.

So tonight, Mr President, I am delighted to present to you – as a personal gift – the original bell which hung on the Conning Tower of your valiant namesake. May it stand as a testimony to our Nations’ shared history and shining future. And should you ever need to get hold of us... well, just give us a ring!

For 250 years, the ingenuity and imagination of the people of the United States have been an inspiration to the world. This land of opportunity has nourished some of humanity’s greatest minds, from the industrial age to the space age. So many miracles of the modern world have been and still are invented in America. Indeed, we have followed the voyage of Artemis II – or Artemis the Second, as my family and I might like to call her! – with close attention. Now, I know you have big plans for the Moon, Mr. President, but I’ve checked the papers and I rather suspect it is already part of the Commonwealth, I’m afraid!

On this week’s visit, I look forward to meeting the people and communities of this dynamic country, including celebrating some of the work my King’s Trust has been doing in those communities, helping give young people the chance to succeed across America, in this year when we mark 50 years of the Trust, can you believe it?

Every year, millions of Britons journey to this remarkable country to experience its glorious national parks, soaring mountains and ancient forests. From the peaks of the Pacific Northwest to the rugged shores of the Atlantic, from the vast expanses of the West to the sweeping prairies and canyons, the natural beauty of this land is found in every corner.

And in sport, in just a few weeks, the United States and Canada will be among those to welcome the world as hosts of the FIFA World Cup. So in one sense, Mr President, as Heads of State, we are joint hosts!

We call this game, by the way, “Football”, Mr. President... And I can only say as the Head of State of five competing countries, I will be watching the matches closely and with great enthusiasm. After all, we always like favourable odds...

This city, Washington D.C., is the home of more Shakespeare Folios than anywhere in the world. 82 copies are carefully preserved and shared at The Folger Library. And at this time where the search for peace in the world, is more crucial than ever, I can only turn to Shakespeare’s genius to remind us of the plea for peace, spoken by the Duke of Burgundy at the conclusion of Henry V -

“my speech entreats, that I may know...why gentle Peace should not...bless us with her former qualities.”

Thank you, Mr. President and Mrs Trump, for your splendid dinner this evening which, may I say, is a very considerable improvement on the Boston Tea Party! So, whether your cup contains tea, wine, Scotch whisky, bourbon or even cola, let us raise our glasses and voices as we toast the past, the present and the future of our two proud and allied nations:

To the United States, and the United Kingdom. God bless both our countries.

Charles III: 'America’s words carry weight and meaning'. Address to Congress - 2026

28 April 2026, Washington DC, USA

I would like to take this opportunity to express my particular gratitude to you all for the great honour of addressing this Joint Meeting of Congress and, on behalf of The Queen and myself, to thank the American people for welcoming us to the United States to mark this semi-quincentennial year of the Declaration of Independence.

And for all of that time, our destinies as Nations have been interlinked. As Oscar Wilde said, “We have really everything in common with America nowadays except, of course, language!”

Ladies and gentlemen, we meet in times of great uncertainty; in times of conflict from Europe to the Middle East which pose immense challenges for the international community and whose impact is felt in communities the length and breadth of our own countries.

We meet, too, in the aftermath of the incident not far from this great building that sought to harm the leadership of your Nation and to foment wider fear and discord. Let me say with unshakeable resolve: such acts of violence will never succeed. Whatever our differences, whatever disagreements we may have, we stand united in our commitment to uphold democracy, to protect all our people from harm, and to salute the courage of those who daily risk their lives in the service of our countries.

Standing here today, it is hard not to feel the weight of history on my shoulder – because the modern relationship between our two Nations and our own peoples spans not merely 250 years, but over four centuries. It is extraordinary to think that I am the nineteenth in our line of Sovereigns to study, with daily attention, the affairs of America. So, I come here today with the highest respect for the United States Congress; this citadel of democracy created to represent the voice of all American people to advance sacred rights and freedoms. Speaking in this renowned chamber of debate and deliberation, I cannot help but think of my late mother, Queen Elizabeth, who, in 1991, was also afforded this signal honour and similarly spoke under the watchful eye of the Statue of Freedom above us. Today, I am here on this great occasion in the life of our Nations to express the highest regard and friendship of the British people to the people of the United States.

As you may know, when I address my own Parliament at Westminster, we still follow an age-old tradition and take a member of Parliament ‘hostage’, holding him or her at Buckingham Palace until I am safely returned. These days, we look after our ‘guest’ rather well – to the point that they often do not want to leave! I don’t know,

Mr Speaker, if there were any volunteers for that role here today...?

As I look back across the centuries, Mr Speaker, there emerge certain patterns; certain self-evident truths from which we can learn and draw mutual strength. With the Spirit of 1776 in our minds, we can perhaps agree that we do not always agree – at least in the first instance! Indeed, the very principle on which your Congress was founded – no taxation without representation – was at once a fundamental disagreement between us, and at the same time a shared democratic value which you inherited from us. Ours is a partnership born out of dispute, but no less strong for it... So perhaps, in this example, we can discern that our Nations are in fact instinctively like-minded – a product of the common democratic, legal and social traditions in which our governance is rooted to this day. Drawing on these values and traditions, time and again, our two countries have always found ways to come together. And by Jove, Mr. Speaker, when we have found that way to agree, what great change is brought about – not just for the benefit of our peoples, but of all peoples.

This, I believe, is the Special ingredient in our Relationship. As President Trump himself observed during his State Visit to Britain last Autumn, ‘The bond of kinship and identity between America and the United Kingdom is priceless and eternal. It is irreplaceable and unbreakable.’

This is by no means my first visit to Washington, D.C. – the capital of this great Republic. It is in fact my 20th visit to the United States, and my first as King and Head of the Commonwealth. This is a city which symbolises a period in our shared history, or what Charles Dickens might have called ‘A Tale of Two Georges’: the first President, George Washington, and my five-times Great Grandfather, King George III. King George never set foot in America and, please rest assured, I am not here as part of some cunning rearguard action!

The Founding Fathers were bold and imaginative rebels with a cause. 250 years ago (or, as we say in the United Kingdom, just the other day....) they declared Independence. By balancing contending forces and drawing strength in diversity, they united thirteen disparate colonies to forge a Nation on the revolutionary idea of ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’. They carried with them, and carried forward, the great inheritance of the British Enlightenment – as well as the ideals which had an even deeper history in English Common Law and Magna Carta.

These roots run deep, and they are still vital. Our Declaration of Rights of 1689 was not only the foundation of our constitutional Monarchy, but also provided the source of so many of the principles reiterated – often verbatim – in the American Bill of Rights of 1791. And those roots go even further back in our history: the U.S. Supreme Court Historical Society has calculated that Magna Carta is cited in at least 160 Supreme Court cases since 1789, not least as the foundation of the principle that executive power is subject to checks and balances. This is the reason why there stands a stone, by the River Thames at Runnymede where Magna Carta was signed in the year 1215. This stone records that an acre of that ancient and historic site was given to the U.S.A. by the people of the United Kingdom, to symbolise our shared resolve in support of liberty, and in memory of President John F. Kennedy.

Distinguished members of the 119th Congress, it is here in these very halls that this spirit of liberty and the promise of America’s Founders is present in every session and every vote cast.

Not by the will of one, but by the deliberation of many, representing the living mosaic of the United States. In both of our countries, it is the very fact of our vibrant, diverse and free societies that gives us our collective strength, including to support victims of some of the ills that, so tragically, exist in both our societies today.

And, Mr. Speaker, for many here – and for myself – the Christian faith is a firm anchor and daily inspiration that guides us not only personally, but together as members of our community. Having devoted a large part of my life to interfaith relationships and greater understanding, it is that faith in the triumph of light over darkness which I have found confirmed countless times. Through it I am inspired by the profound respect that develops as people of different faiths grow in their understanding of each other. It is why it is my hope – my prayer - that, in these turbulent times, working together and with our international partners, we can stem the beating of ploughshares into swords...

I am mindful that we are still in the season of Easter, the season that most strengthens my hope. It is why I believe, with all my heart, that the essence of our two Nations is a generosity of spirit and a duty to foster compassion, to promote peace, to deepen mutual understanding and to value all people, of all faiths, and of none.

The Alliance that our two Nations have built over the centuries – and for which we are profoundly grateful to the American people – is truly unique. And that Alliance is part of what Henry Kissinger described as Kennedy’s ‘soaring vision’ of an Atlantic Partnership based on twin pillars: Europe and America. That Partnership, I believe Mr. Speaker, is more important today than it has ever been.

The first reigning British Sovereign to set foot in America was my Grandfather, King George VI. He visited in 1939 with my beloved Grandmother, Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother. The forces of Fascism in Europe were on the march, and some time before the United States had joined us in the defence of freedom. Our shared values prevailed.

Today, we find ourselves in a new era, but those values remain.

It is an era that is, in many ways, more volatile and more dangerous than the world to which my late Mother spoke, in this Chamber, in 1991.

The challenges we face are too great for any one Nation to bear alone. But in this unpredictable environment, our Alliance cannot rest on past achievements, or assume that foundational principles simply endure. As my Prime Minister said last month: ‘ours is an indispensable partnership. We must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last eighty years. Instead, we must build on it’.

Renewal today starts with security. The United Kingdom recognizes that the threats we face demand a transformation in British defence. That is why our country, in order to be fit for the future, has committed to the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War – during part of which, over fifty years ago, I served with immense pride in the Royal Navy, following in the Naval footsteps of my Father, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh; my Grandfather, King George VI; my Great-Uncle, Lord Mountbatten; and my Great-Grandfather, King George V.

This year, of course, also marks the 25th anniversary of 9/11. This atrocity was a defining moment for America and your pain and shock were felt around the whole world. During my visit to New York, my wife and I will again pay our respects to the victims, the families, and the bravery shown in the face of terrible loss. We stood with you then. And we stand with you now in solemn remembrance of a day that shall never be forgotten.

In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when NATO invoked Article 5 for the first time, and the United Nations Security Council was united in the face of terror, we answered the call together – as our people have done so for more than a century, shoulder to shoulder, through two World Wars, the Cold War, Afghanistan and moments that have defined our shared security.

Today, Mr. Speaker, that same, unyielding resolve is needed for the defence of Ukraine and her most courageous people – it is needed in order to secure a truly just and lasting peace. From the depths of the Atlantic to the disastrously melting ice-caps of the Arctic, the commitment and expertise of the United States Armed Forces and its allies lie at the heart of NATO, pledged to each other’s defence, protecting our citizens and interests, keeping North Americans and Europeans safe from our common adversaries.

Our defence, intelligence and security ties are hardwired together through relationships measured not in years, but in decades.

Today, thousands of U.S. service personnel, defence officials and their families are stationed in the United Kingdom, as British personnel serve with equal pride across thirty American States. We are building F-35s together. And we have agreed the most ambitious submarine programme in history – AUKUS – in partnership with Australia, a country of which I am also immensely proud to serve as Sovereign.

We do not embark on these remarkable endeavours together out of sentiment. We do so because they build greater shared resilience for the future, so making our citizens safer for generations to come.

Our common ideals were not only crucial for liberty and equality, they are also the foundation of our shared prosperity. The Rule of Law: the certainty of stable and accessible rules, an independent judiciary resolving disputes and delivering impartial justice. These features created the conditions for centuries of unmatched economic growth in our two countries. This is why our governments are concluding new economic and technology agreements – to write the next chapter of our joint prosperity and ensure that British and American ingenuity continues to lead the world.

Our nations are combining talent and resources in the technologies of tomorrow: our new partnerships in nuclear fusion and quantum computing, and in A.I. and drug discovery, holding the promise of saving countless lives.

More broadly, we celebrate the $430 billion in annual trade that continues to grow; the $1.7 trillion in mutual investment that fuels that innovation; and the millions of jobs on both sides of the Atlantic supported across both economies. These are strong foundations on which to continue to build, for generations yet unborn.

Our ties in education, research, and cultural exchange empower citizens and future leaders of both countries.

The Marshall Scholarship, named after the great General George Marshall, and the Association of which I am so proud to be Patron, are emblematic of the connection between our two nations. Since its founding, more than 2,300 scholarships have been awarded, opening doors for Americans from all walks of life to study at the UnitedKingdom’s leading universities.

So as we look toward the next 250 years, we must also reflect on our shared responsibility to safeguard Nature, our most precious and irreplaceable asset.

Millennia before our Nations existed, before any border drawn, the mountains of Scotland and Appalachia were one; a single, continuous range, forged in the ancient collision of continents.

The natural wonders of the United States of America are indeed a unique asset, and generations of Americans have risen to this calling: indigenous, political and civic leaders, people in rural communities and cities alike, have all helped to protect and nurture what President Theodore Roosevelt called ‘the glorious heritage’ of thisland’s extraordinary natural splendour, on which so much of its prosperity has always depended.

Yet even as we celebrate the beauty that surrounds us, our generation must decide how to address the collapse of critical natural systems, which threatens far more than the harmony and essential diversity of Nature. We ignore at our peril the fact that these natural systems – in other words, Nature’s own economy – provide the foundation for our prosperity and our national security.

The story of the United Kingdom and the United States is, at its heart, a story of reconciliation, renewal and remarkable partnership.

From the bitter divisions of 250 years ago, we forged a friendship that has grown into one of the most consequential Alliances in human history.

I pray with all my heart that our Alliance will continue to defend our shared values, with our partners in Europe and the Commonwealth, and across the world, and that we ignore the clarion calls to become ever more inward-looking.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice-President, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, America’s words carry weight and meaning, as they have since Independence. The actions of this great Nation matter even more. President Lincoln understood this so well, with his reflection in the magisterial Gettysburg Address that the world may little note what we say, but will never forget what we do. And so, to the United States of America, on your 250th birthday, let our two countries rededicate ourselves to each other in the selfless service of our peoples and of all the peoples of the world.

God bless the United States and God bless the United Kingdom.

Mark Carney: 'We are taking a sign out of the window', World Economic Forum - 2026

20 January 2026, Davos, Switzerland

Below is the full transcript of the English parts of Carney’s remarks. Speech begins at 9.49 on the YouTube embed.

Thank you very much, Larry. I’m going to start in French, and then I’ll switch back to English.

(IN FRENCH)

It is both a pleasure and a duty to be with you tonight, in this pivotal moment that Canada and the world is going through. Today I will talk about a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.

On the other hand, I would like to tell you that other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states.

The power of the less powerful starts with honesty.

(IN ENGLISH)

It seems that every day we’re reminded that we live in an era of great power rivalry — that the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.

And this aphorism of Thucydides is presented as inevitable, as the natural logic of international relations reasserting itself. And faced with this logic, there is a strong tendency for countries to go along to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.

Well, it won’t. So what are our options?

In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel, later president, wrote an essay called “The Power of the Powerless,” and in it he asked a simple question: how did the communist system sustain itself?

And his answer began with a greengrocer.

Every morning, the shopkeeper places a sign in his window: “Workers of the world unite.” He doesn’t believe it. No one does. But he places the sign anyway to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along. And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists — not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.

Havel called this living within a lie. The system’s power comes not from its truth, but from everyone’s willingness to perform as if it were true. And its fragility comes from the same source. When even one person stops performing, when the greengrocer removes his sign, the illusion begins to crack.

Friends, it is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.

For decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We join its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.

We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically, and we knew that international law applied with varied rigor, depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.

This fiction was useful. An American hegemony in particular helped provide public goods, open sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security, and support for frameworks for resolving disputes.

So we placed the sign in the window. We participated in the rituals, and we largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality.

This bargain no longer works.

Let me be direct. We are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.

Over the past two decades, a series of crises in finance, health, energy and geopolitics have laid bare the risks of extreme global integration. But more recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons, tariffs as leverage, financial infrastructure as coercion, supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.

You cannot live within the lie of mutual benefit through integration when integration becomes the source of your subordination.

The multilateral institutions on which the middle powers have relied — the WTO, the UN, the COP, the very architecture of collective problem solving — are under threat. As a result, many countries are drawing the same conclusions that they must develop greater strategic autonomy in energy, food, critical minerals, in finance and supply chains. And this impulse is understandable.

A country that cannot feed itself, fuel itself, or defend itself has few options. When the rules no longer protect you, you must protect yourself.

But let’s be clear-eyed about where this leads. A world of fortresses will be poorer, more fragile, and less sustainable.

And there’s another truth: if great powers abandon even the pretense of rules and values for the unhindered pursuit of their power and interests, the gains from transactionalism will become harder to replicate.

Hegemons cannot continually monetize their relationships. Allies will diversify to hedge against uncertainty. They’ll buy insurance, increase options in order to rebuild sovereignty, sovereignty that was once grounded in rules but will increasingly be anchored in the ability to withstand pressure.

This room knows this is classic risk management. Risk management comes at a price. But that cost of strategic autonomy, of sovereignty, can also be shared. Collective investments in resilience are cheaper than everyone building their own fortresses. Shared standards reduce fragmentations. Complementarities are positive sum.

The question for middle powers like Canada is not whether to adapt to the new reality — we must.

The question is whether we adapt by simply building higher walls, or whether we can do something more ambitious.

Now, Canada was amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture. Canadians know that our old, comfortable assumptions that our geography and alliance memberships automatically conferred prosperity and security, that assumption is no longer valid. And our new approach rests on what Alexander Stubb, the president of Finland, has termed value-based realism.

Or, to put it another way, we aim to be both principled and pragmatic. Principled in our commitment to fundamental values, sovereignty, territorial integrity, the prohibition of the use of force except when consistent with the UN Charter and respect for human rights.

And pragmatic in recognizing that progress is often incremental, that interests diverge, that not every partner will share all of our values.

So we’re engaging broadly, strategically, with open eyes. We actively take on the world as it is, not wait around for a world we wish to be.

We are calibrating our relationships so their depth reflects our values, and we’re prioritizing broad engagement to maximize our influence, given the fluidity of the world at the moment, the risks that this poses and the stakes for what comes next.

And we are no longer just relying on the strength of our values, but also the value of our strength.

We are building that strength at home. Since my government took office, we have cut taxes on incomes, on capital gains and business investment. We have removed all federal barriers to interprovincial trade. We are fast tracking $1 trillion of investments in energy, AI, critical minerals, new trade corridors and beyond. We’re doubling our defence spending by the end of this decade, and we’re doing so in ways that build our domestic industries. And we are rapidly diversifying abroad.

We’ve agreed to a comprehensive strategic partnership with the EU, including joining SAFE, the European defence procurement arrangements. We have signed 12 other trade and security deals on four continents in six months.

In the past few days, we’ve concluded new strategic partnerships with China and Qatar. We’re negotiating free trade pacts with India, ASEAN, Thailand, Philippines and Mercosur.

We’re doing something else: to help solve global problems, we’re pursuing variable geometry. In other words, different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests. So on Ukraine, we’re a core member of the Coalition of the Willing and one of the largest per capita contributors to its defence and security.

On Arctic sovereignty, we stand firmly with Greenland and Denmark and fully support their unique right to determine Greenland’s future.

Our commitment to NATO’s Article 5 is unwavering, so we’re working with our NATO allies, including the Nordic-Baltic Eight, to further secure the alliance’s northern and western flanks, including through Canada’s unprecedented investments in over-the-horizon radar, in submarines, in aircraft, and boots on the ground — boots on the ice.

Canada strongly opposes tariffs over Greenland and calls for focused talks to achieve our shared objectives of security and prosperity in the Arctic.

On plurilateral trade, we’re championing efforts to build a bridge between the Trans-Pacific partnership and the European Union, which would create a new trading bloc of 1.5 billion people.

On critical minerals we’re forming buyers’ clubs anchored in the G7 so the world can diversify away from concentrated supply. And on AI, we’re cooperating with like-minded democracies to ensure that we won’t ultimately be forced to choose between hegemons and hyperscalers.

This is not naïve multilateralism, nor is it relying on their institutions. It’s building coalitions that work issue by issue with partners who share enough common ground to act together. In some cases, this will be the vast majority of nations. What it’s doing is creating a dense web of connections across trade, investment, culture on which we can draw for future challenges and opportunities.

Our view is the middle powers must act together because if we’re not at the table, we’re on the menu.

But I’d also say that great powers can afford, for now, to go it alone. They have the market size, the military capacity, and the leverage to dictate terms. Middle powers do not. But when we only negotiate bilaterally with a hegemon, we negotiate from weakness. We accept what’s offered. We compete with each other to be the most accommodating.

This is not sovereignty. It’s the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.

In a world of great power rivalry, the countries in-between have a choice: compete with each other for favour, or combine to create a third path with impact. We shouldn’t allow the rise of hard power to blind us to the fact that the power of legitimacy, integrity, and rules will remain strong if we choose to wield it together.

Which brings me back to Havel. What does it mean for middle powers to live the truth?

First, it means naming reality. Stop invoking rules-based international order as though it still functions as advertised. Call it what it is: a system of intensifying great power rivalry where the most powerful pursue their interests using economic integration as coercion.

It means acting consistently, applying the same standards to allies and rivals. When middle powers criticize economic intimidation from one direction but stay silent when it comes from another, we are keeping the sign in the window.

It means building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored. It means creating institutions and agreements that function as described, and it means reducing the leverage that enables coercion.

That’s building a strong domestic economy. It should be every government’s immediate priority.

And diversification internationally is not just economic prudence; it’s a material foundation for honest foreign policy, because countries earn the right to principled stands by reducing their vulnerability to retaliation.

So, Canada. Canada has what the world wants. We are an energy superpower. We hold vast reserves of critical minerals. We have the most educated population in the world. Our pension funds are amongst the world’s largest and most sophisticated investors. In other words, we have capital, talent. We also have a government with immense fiscal capacity to act decisively. And we have the values to which many others aspire.

Canada is a pluralistic society that works. Our public square is loud, diverse and free. Canadians remain committed to sustainability. We are a stable and reliable partner in a world that is anything but, a partner that builds and values relationships for the long term.

And we have something else: we have a recognition of what’s happening and determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.

We are taking a sign out of the window.

We know the old order is not coming back. We shouldn’t mourn it. Nostalgia is not a strategy, but we believe that from the fracture we can build something bigger, better, stronger, more just. This is the task of the middle powers, the countries that have the most to lose from a world of fortresses and the most to gain from genuine cooperation.

The powerful have their power. But we have something too: the capacity to stop pretending, to name realities, to build our strength at home, and to act together.

That is Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.

Thank you very much.

Bernie Sanders: 'Political violence is political cowardice', Response to murder of Charlie Kirk - 2025

11 September 2025, Vermont, USA

I want to say a few words regarding the terrible murder yesterday of Charlie Kirk — someone whom I strongly disagreed with on almost every issue but who was clearly a very smart and effective communicator and organizer — and someone unafraid to get out into the world and engage the public. My condolences go out to his wife and family. 

A free and democratic society, which is what America is supposed to be about, depends upon the basic premise that people can speak out, organize and take part in public life without fear — without worrying that they might be killed, injured or humiliated for expressing their political views. In fact, that is the essence of what freedom is about and what democracy is about. You have a point of view, that’s great. I have a point of view that is different than yours, that’s great. Let’s argue it out. We make our case to the American people at the local, state and federal level, and we hold free elections in which the people decide what they want. That’s called freedom and democracy. And I want as many people as possible to participate in that process without fear. 

Freedom and democracy is not about political violence. It is not about assassinating public officials. It is not about trying to intimidate people who speak out on an issue. Political violence, in fact, is political cowardice. It means that you cannot convince people of the correctness of your ideas, and you have to impose them through force. Every American, no matter what one’s political point of view may be, must condemn all forms of political violence and all forms of intimidation. We must welcome and respect dissenting points of view. That’s what our Constitution is about. That’s what our Bill of Rights is about. That, in fact, is what freedom is about. 

The murder of Charlie Kirk is part of a disturbing rise in political violence that threatens to hollow out public life and make people afraid of participating. From the January 6, 2021, attack on the United States Capitol, to the attempted assassination of Donald Trump, to the attack on Paul Pelosi, to the attempted kidnapping of Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, to the murder of Minnesota Speaker of the House Melissa Hortman and her husband, to the arson attack on Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro, to the shooting of UnitedHealth executive Brian Thompson and the shooting several years ago of Rep. Steve Scalise, this chilling rise in violence has targeted public figures across the political spectrum. 

Sadly, this is not a new phenomenon. We all remember the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Senator Robert F. Kennedy, John Lennon, Medgar Evers and the attempted assassinations of President Ronald Reagan and Alabama Governor George Wallace. 

This is a difficult and contentious moment in American history. Democracy in our country and throughout the world is under attack. And there are a lot of reasons for that, which need serious discussion. But, bottom line: If we honestly believe in democracy, if we believe in freedom, all of us must be loud and clear. Political violence, regardless of ideology, is not the answer and must be condemned.

Bob Katter: 'Let there be a thousand blossoms bloom', Bob Katter on gay marriage - 2017

19 November 2017, Innisfail, Queensland, Australia

I mean, you know, people are entitled to their sexual proclivities. Let there be a thousand blossoms bloom, as far as I am concerned.

But I ain't spending any time on it because in the meantime, every three months, a person is torn to pieces by a crocodile in north Queensland.

Al Gore: 'We have to deal with the democracy crisis in order to solve the climate crisis', SF Climate Week keynote - 2025

21 April 2025, San Francisco, California, USA

Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen, thank you, thank you. I appreciate that fulsome and overly generous introduction. Thank you very, very much. I really appreciate that, Evan. To all of your colleagues at Climatebase, what a terrific organization. I really appreciate it.

I want to thank Morgan Campbell and all of her colleagues for organizing what I know is going to be an extremely exciting week of events. I looked at the lineup, it’s incredible what you all have got in store. Thank you very much for the energy and passion and enthusiasm. That’s what it needs. This is a time to double down and triple down, and that’s what we’re doing.

I also want to thank the Exploratorium team for hosting us here tonight. I’ve been here before; it’s a great organization. Thank you very much.

I especially want to acknowledge the presence here of my dear friend, Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi. She’s – she gets a little embarrassed when I use this phrase, but everybody’s using it – the greatest Speaker of the House of Representatives in the history of the United States.

And I want to acknowledge Paul Pelosi, who is my dear friend, thank you.

Nancy, you and I have attended a lot of events over the years where we will hear this person or that person described in a grand, enthusiastic way. And sometimes, there have been times when I think, “well, that’s a little bit over the top.” But that’s not the case with Nancy Pelosi. She is the absolute greatest and best, and thank you very much.

And I want to acknowledge a rookie public servant who is only three months into the job, Mayor Daniel Lurie. You are doing a great job. I remember when I was three months into my first job as an elected official as a member of the House. You can tell early on, and I’ve been getting such great reports from my friends all over the city and all walks of life, every parts of the city. So, keep it up, keep it up. We’re for you, we’re for you.

And I want to acknowledge, if you’ll let me, acknowledge two organizations that are very, very important to me. There is a group of climate leaders trained by The Climate Reality Project’s Bay Area Chapter, and I appreciate you guys being here. One is here from the first 50 that were trained, oh gosh, 20 years ago.

And I’m very grateful to my partner, Colin Le Duc, and our team from Generation Investment Management, which is based here in San Francisco for the US headquarters. Generation is the sustainable investment firm that I co-founded with Colin and David Blood and four other partners back in 2004. We have been here since 2017, and San Francisco is such an important hub for Generation, because we fully recognize the absolutely unique role that the Bay Area plays in shepherding the transition to a sustainable economy.

There is a distinct and diverse blend here of innovators, entrepreneurs, academics, investors, policy leaders, and executives who are dedicated to saving the climate and dedicated to implementing sustainability solutions. And in fact, many of the most successful investments we’ve made in our 21-year history have been right here in the Bay Area. That won’t come as a surprise to you.

It’s great to be in the presence of so many friends and colleagues and to be a part of this great community this evening.

Before I launch into my remarks here, I want to pause to acknowledge the loss last night of one of the most powerful moral voices our world has ever heard: Pope Francis. His humble and historic leadership for social and economic justice, and especially on the climate crisis, fueled a moral movement that continues to light the way forward for humanity.

His encyclical, Laudato Sí’, remains the single most inspiring text on the climate crisis that I have read. I fully recommend it if you have not read it. It’s long, it’s very tightly organized, it’s very deep in its analysis and its moral power, and I urge everyone to read it.

And his moral teaching is especially important right now in our nation because, as we have seen in the past few months, the climate movement in the United States is under attack.

It is abundantly clear, after only three months and one day, that the new Trump administration is attempting to do everything it possibly can to try to halt the transition to a clean energy future and a deep reduction in the burning of fossil fuels. The climate crisis is a fossil fuel crisis, basically 80% of it.

Many of you here today have likely felt the chilling effect of the policies and the rhetoric coming from Washington, D.C. and what the effect has been on businesses and investors and far beyond.

The Dow Jones, of course, today fell another thousand points and since Donald Trump’s inauguration it’s gone down six thousand points. But while the most visible impacts of what the new administration is doing may be in the market for stocks and bonds, that’s not the only thing that he has caused to crash.

The trust market has crashed.

The market for democracy has taken a major hit.

Hope is being arbitraged in the growing market for fear.

Truth has been devalued and confidence in U.S. leadership around the world has plummeted.

We are facing a national emergency for our democracy and a global emergency for our climate system.

We have to deal with the democracy crisis in order to solve the climate crisis.

The scale and scope of the ongoing attacks on liberty are literally unprecedented. With that in mind, I want to note before I use what is not a precedent, I understand very well why it is wrong to compare Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich to any other movement. It was uniquely evil, full stop. I get it.

But there are important lessons from the history of that emergent evil, and here is one that I regard as essential. In the immediate aftermath of World War II, a small group of philosophers who had escaped Hitler’s murderous regime returned to Germany and performed a kind of moral autopsy on the Third Reich. The most famous of the so-called Frankfurt School of Philosophers was a man named Jurgen Habermas – best known, I would say. But it was Habermas’ mentor, Theodor Adorno, who wrote that the first step of that nation’s descent into Hell was, and I quote, “the conversion of all questions of truth into questions of power.” He described how the Nazis, and I quote again, “attacked the very heart of the distinction between true and false.”

The Trump administration is insisting on trying to create their own preferred version of reality. They say Ukraine attacked Russia instead of the other way around, and expect us to believe it! At home, they attack heroes who have defended our nation in war and against cyberattacks as traitors.

They say the climate crisis is a “hoax” invented by the Chinese to destroy American manufacturing.

They say coal is clean.

They say wind turbines cause cancer.

They say sea level rise just creates more beachfront property.

Their allies in the oligarchic backlash to climate action argue that those who want to stop using the sky as an open sewer, for God’s sake, need to be more “realistic” and acquiesce to the huge increases in the burning of more and more fossil fuels (which is what they’re pushing), even though that is the principal cause of the climate crisis.

You may not be surprised to learn that this propagandistic notion of “climate realism” is one that the fossil fuel industry has peddled for years.

The CEO of the largest oil company in the world, Saudi Aramco has said “We should abandon the fantasy of phasing out oil and gas.”

His colleague, Exxon CEO Darren Woods, has claimed that “the world needs to get real. … The problem is not oil and gas. It’s emissions.”

The American Petroleum Institute says that we need “a more realistic energy approach” – one that, you guessed it, includes buying and burning even more oil and gas.

So, allow me to put this question to all of you: What exactly is it that they want us to be realistic about?

Their twisted version of “realism” is colliding with the reality that humanity is now confronting.

The accumulated global warming pollution (because these molecules linger there on average about 100 years and it builds up over time), it’s trapping as much extra heat now every single day as would be released by the explosion of 750,000 first generation atomic bombs blowing up on the Earth every single day!

Is it realistic to let that continue?

Is it realistic to think that if we opt out of taking action to reduce greenhouse gas pollution, we’ll be able to just wish it away and continue with business as usual? Well, Mother Nature makes a pretty good case against that argument. Every night on the TV news is like a nature walk through the Book of Revelation.

Is it realistic, for example, to continue stoking the risk of wildfire in California, after what has already happened to so many communities in Northern California? And just look at the devastation caused by the Los Angeles wildfires in January.

Is it realistic to tell homeowners around the world that the global housing market is expected to suffer a $25 trillion loss in the next 25 years? Fifteen percent of all the residential housing stock in the world if we do not change what we’re doing? Is that realistic in their view?

Is it realistic to continue quietly accepting 8.7 million deaths every single year from breathing in the particulate co-pollution that also comes from the burning of fossil fuels? That is the number of people who are already being killed. According to health experts, it is, and I quote, “the leading contributor to the global disease burden.” When you’re burning coal, oil and gas, it puts the heat trapping pollution up there and it puts the particulate and PM 2.5 pollution into the lungs of people downwind from where the facilities are burning the fossil fuels.

Is it realistic, in their view, for governments to manage 1 billion climate migrants crossing international borders in the balance of this century? That’s how many the Lancet Commission estimates will be crossing borders in the decades to come, if we continue driving temperatures and humidity higher and making the physiologically unlivable regions of the world vastly larger by continuing to put 175 million tons of man-made heat-trapping pollution into that thin shell of the troposphere surrounding the planet. You know what that blue line looks like, that thin blue shell is blue because that’s where the oxygen is. And it’s so thin, if you could drive a car straight up in the air at highway speeds, you’d get to the top of that blue line in five to seven minutes.

That’s what we’re using as an open sewer. Is that realistic? I don’t think it is.

We’ve already seen, by the way, how populist authoritarian leaders have used migrants as scapegoats and have fanned the fires of xenophobia to fuel their own rise to power. And power-seeking is what this is all about. Our Constitution, written by our founders, is intended to protect us against a threat identical to Donald Trump: someone who seeks power at all costs to get more power. Imagine what the demagogues would do as we continued toward a billion migrants crossing international borders. We could face a grave threat to our capacity for self-governance.

Is it “realistic” to continue inflicting the financial toll that the climate crisis is taking on the global economy? According to Deloitte, climate inaction will cost the economy $178 trillion over the next half century. And is it realistic to miss out on the economic opportunity that we could seize by going toward net-zero? Over that same period, climate action would increase the size of the global economy by $43 trillion.

A question with particular relevance in nearby Silicon Valley: is it realistic for the semiconductor industry to experience losses of up to 35% of annual revenues due to supply chain disruptions caused by the stronger and more severe cyclonic storms and supercell storms?

Is it realistic to continue with a system of financing that leaves the entire continent of Africa completely out? Right now, the entire continent of Africa, fastest-growing population in the world, has fewer solar panels installed than the single state of Florida in the United States of America. That’s a disgrace to the makeup of our financial system. But Africa has three times as many oil and gas pipelines under construction and preparing for construction to begin than all of North America. It is ridiculous to allow this system to continue as it is. How is that realistic? Or fair? Or just?

Is it realistic for us, all of us here, to consign our children and grandchildren to what scientists warn us would be Hell on Earth in order to conserve the profits of the fossil fuel industry? The predictions of the scientists 50 years ago have turned out to be spot on correct. Their predictions just a few decades ago have turned out to be exactly right. Should not that cause us to listen more carefully to what they’re warning us will happen if we do not sharply and quickly reduce the emissions from burning fossil fuels?

Is that unrealistic to listen to a proven source of advice?

This newfound so-called climate realism is nothing more than climate denial in disguise. It is an attempt to pretend there is no problem and to ignore the reality that is right in front of our faces.

What’s never present in any of this so-called “realism” is any credible challenge whatsoever to the conclusions of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the IPCC. They never address that. They just wish it away and say, “Oh it’s unrealistic to actually do anything about it.”

I wish we could wish it away, but we cannot.

The hard reality is that the fossil fuel industry has grown desperate for more capital. They’re seeing their two largest markets wither away: electricity generation, number one and transportation, number two. They’ve been losing their share of investment in the energy market to renewables and so they’re panicked.

That explains why they are so aggressively using their captive policymakers to block meaningful solutions. Of course, as you know, they’re way better at capturing politicians than they are at capturing emissions. They’ve grown very skillful at that.

They are the wealthiest and most powerful industry lobby in the history of the world. They make the East India Company look like a popcorn vendor. They are the effective global hegemon.

They have used their war chests and their legacy network of political and economic power to block any reductions of fossil fuel burning emissions – whether at the international conferences that we call the COPs, the Conference of Parties in the UN process, or at the global negotiations for a plastic treaty. They blocked anything there, too.

Why? They’re losing the first market of electricity generation because 93% of all the new electricity generation installed worldwide last year was solar and wind. They’re losing that market steadily. EVs are rising dramatically. They say they’ve slowed down. Well, we just got the new figures – an 18% increase year-on-year here in the United States. In many countries much faster than that.

And so, their third market – they’re telling Wall Street that they’re going to make up all of the expected lost revenue in their first two markets by tripling the production of plastics over the next 35 years.

Well, we might have a word to say about that. Is that realistic? Because we’ve already found – the scientists say – that some seabirds are manifesting symptoms like Alzheimer’s disease from the plastic particles in their brains and they found that it crosses the blood-brain barrier in humans, and the size of the amount has doubled just in the last decade.

Do we really want to continue that?

It’s crazy, but they are blocking action at both of these international forums and they’re blocking action in the deliberations of nation-states, even in states and provinces, and even at the local level. Anywhere in the world where there is an effort to pass legislation or regulations that reduces the burning of fossil fuels, they are there with their money, with their lobbyists, with their captive politicians, blocking it as best they can.

And the solution is what you’re doing here at Climate Week here in San Francisco. We have got to rise up and change this situation.

That’s also why they are ballyhooing ridiculously expensive and hilariously impractical technologies like building giant mechanical vacuuming machines to suck it back out of the atmosphere after they put it up there. Could that someday be a realistic part of the solution? Perhaps, perhaps. But not now! Not even close.

They use it as a bright, shiny object to distract attention and say, ‘see this, see this, this could be so miraculous, we don’t have to stop burning fossil fuels at all! We can actually continue to increase the burning of fossil fuels because look at this bright, shiny object. We’ve got this vacuuming machine.’

Well, CO2 is 0.035% of the molecules in the air. You’re gonna use an energy-intensive, ridiculous, expensive process to filter through the other 99.965% of the molecules? It’s absolutely preposterous.

In reality, the Sustainability Revolution is powering more and more of our global economy. It has the scale and impact of the Industrial Revolution and is moving at the pace of the Digital Revolution.

By the way, in Texas, which used to have a free market for energy, over 90% of all their new electricity generation last year was solar and wind. And, you know, they’ve got captured politicians there. They’re pushing legislation in Texas to legally require any developers of solar and wind to spend time and money developing more oil and gas before they’re given permission to develop renewables.

That’s not realism, that’s pathetic.

That is a sign of desperation.

They don’t trust the free market. They’re just relying more and more on the politicians who will jump when they tell them jump and ask how high when they tell them to jump again.

So, around the world, the market is transforming. Since the Paris Agreement, the cost of solar has dropped 76%. The cost of wind is down 66%. Utility-scale batteries are down 87%.

In 2004, when Generation was founded, it took a full year for the world to install one gigawatt of solar power. Now it takes one day to install one gigawatt of solar power.

And it’s not just renewables. We’re seeing the Sustainability Revolution rapidly take hold across the rest of the global economy from transportation, to regenerative agriculture, to circular manufacturing, and so much more.

So, as we gather here to kick off Climate Week and as we gather on the eve of Earth Day, we have to treat this moment as a call to action.

So, I’m here not only to respond to the invitation for which I’m grateful, Morgan and others and Evan.

I’m here to recruit you.

Many of you are already working on this, but those of you who are not, I’m here to recruit you. We need you. This is the time and this is a break glass moment. This is an all hands on deck moment.

Now is the time to look at every aspect of your businesses, your investments, and your civic engagement to determine whether or not you can contribute even more to solving the climate crisis.

It’s easy to adopt our own versions of climate realism to say that the challenge is too great. Some people worry about that. To say that our individual role is too small to have an impact. Some use that as an excuse: that if the government won’t act, what can any of us do about it?

Well, just as the climate crisis does not recognize borders between countries, it does not either recognize delineations between the duty of government and businesses and all significant participants in the global economy.

Climate change is already impacting your life and work and will more so through disrupted supply chains, increased liability, changes in consumer demand, and more.

This is a moment when we all have to mobilize to defend our country. And remember the antidote to climate despair is climate action. It was in this city in the 1960s that Joan Baez first said that the antidote to despair is action. And we need to remember that now.

And during a time of when people were tempted to despair in the struggle for civil rights in this country, Martin Luther King said something about overcoming the forces that try to discourage you and halt progress. He said this: “If you can’t fly, run. If you can’t run, walk. If you can’t walk, crawl. But by all means, keep moving.”

And that’s where we are.

Every one of the morally based movements in the past had periods when advocates felt despair. But when the central choice was revealed as a choice between right and wrong, then the outcome at a very deep level became foreordained.

Because of the way Pope Francis reminded us we have been created as God’s children.

We love our families.

We are devoted to our communities.

We have to protect our future.

And if you doubt for one moment ever that we as human beings have the capacity to muster sufficient political will to solve this crisis, just remember that political will is itself a renewable resource.

Thank you very much.

Winston Churchill: 'The lights are going out on Europe', Public address - 1938

16 October 1938, London, United Kingdom

I avail myself with relief of the opportunity of speaking to the people of the United States. I do not know how long such liberties will be allowed. The stations of uncensored expression are closing down; the lights are going out; but there is still time for those to whom freedom and parliamentary government mean something, to consult together. Let me, then, speak in truth and earnestness while time remains.

The American people have, it seems to me, formed a true judgment upon the disaster which has befallen Europe. They realise, perhaps more clearly than the French and British publics have yet done, the far-reaching consequences of the abandonment and ruin of the Czechoslovak Republic. I hold to the conviction I expressed some months ago, that if in April, May or June, Great Britain, France, and Russia had jointly declared that they would act together upon Nazi Germany if Herr Hitler committed an act of unprovoked aggression against this small State, and if they had told Poland, Yugoslavia, and Rumania what they meant to do in good time, and invited them to join the combination of peace-defending Powers, I hold that the German Dictator would have been confronted with such a formidable array that he would have been deterred from his purpose. This would also have been an opportunity for all the peace-loving and moderate forces in Germany, together with the chiefs of the German Army, to make a great effort to re-establish something like sane and civilised conditions in their own country. If the risks of war which were run by France and Britain at the last moment had been boldly faced in good time, and plain declarations made, and meant, how different would our prospects be today!

But all these backward speculations belong to history. It is no good using hard words among friends about the past, and reproaching one another for what cannot be recalled. It is the future, not the past, that demands our earnest and anxious thought. We must recognize that the Parliamentary democracies and liberal, peaceful forces have everywhere sustained a defeat which leaves them weaker, morally and physically, to cope with dangers which have vastly grown. But the cause of freedom has in it a recuperative power and virtue which can draw from misfortune new hope and new strength. If ever there was a time when men and women who cherish the ideals of the founders of the British and American Constitutions should take earnest counsel with one another, that time is now.

All the world wishes for peace and security. Have we gained it by the sacrifice of the Czechoslovak Republic? Here was the model democratic State of Central Europe, a country where minorities were treated better than anywhere else. It has been deserted, destroyed and devoured. It is now being digested. The question which is of interest to a lot of ordinary people, common people, is whether this destruction of the Czechoslovak Republic will bring upon the world a blessing or a curse.

We must all hope it will bring a blessing; that after we have averted our gaze for a while from the process of subjugation and liquidation, everyone will breathe more freely; that a load will be taken off our chests; we shall be able to say to ourselves: "Well, that's out of the way, anyhow. Now let's get on with our regular daily life." But are these hopes well founded or are we merely making the best of what we had not the force and virtue to stop? That is the question that the English-speaking peoples in all their lands must ask themselves to-day. Is this the end, or is there more to come?

There is another question which arises out of this. Can peace, goodwill, and confidence be built upon submission to wrong-doing backed by force? One may put this question in the largest form. Has any benefit or progress ever been achieved by the human race by submission to organized and calculated violence? As we look back over the long story of the nations we must see that, on the contrary, their glory has been founded upon the spirit of resistance to tyranny and injustice, especially when these evils seemed to be backed by heavier force. Since the dawn of the Christian era a certain way of life has slowly been shaping itself among the Western peoples, and certain standards of conduct and government have come to be esteemed. After many miseries and prolonged confusion, there arose into the broad light of day the conception of the right of the individual; his right to be consulted in the government of his country; his right to invoke the law even against the State itself. Independent Courts of Justice were created to affirm and inforce this hard-won custom. Thus was assured throughout the English-speaking world, and in France by the stern lessons of the Revolution, what Kipling called, "Leave to live by no man's leave underneath the law." Now in this resides all that makes existence precious to man, and all that confers honour and health upon the State.

We are confronted with another theme. It is not a new theme; it leaps out upon us from the Dark Ages' racial persecution, religious intolerance, deprivation of free speech, the conception of the citizen as a mere soulless fraction of the State. To this has been added the cult of war. Children are to be taught in their earliest schooling the delights and profits of conquest and aggression. A whole mighty community has been drawn painfully, by severe privations, into a warlike frame. They are held in this condition, which they relish no more than we do, by a party organisation, several millions strong, who derive all kinds of profits, good and bad, from the upkeep of the regime. Like the Communists, the Nazis tolerate no opinion but their own. Like the Communists, they feed on hatred. Like the Communists, they must seek, from time to time, and always at shorter intervals, a new target, a new prize, a new victim. The Dictator, in all his pride, is held in the grip of his Party machine. He can go forward; he cannot go back. He must blood his hounds and show them sport, or else, like Actaeon of old, be devoured by them. All-strong without, he is all-weak within. As Byron wrote a hundred years ago: "These Pagod things of Sabre sway, with fronts of brass and feet of clay."

No one must, however, underrate the power and efficiency of a totalitarian state. Where the whole population of a great country, amiable, good-hearted, peace-loving people are gripped by the neck and by the hair by a Communist or a Nazi tyranny—for they are the same things spelt in different ways—the rulers for the time being can exercise a power for the purposes of war and external domination before which the ordinary free parliamentary societies are at a grievous practical disadvantage. We have to recognise this.

And then, on top of all, comes this wonderful mastery of the air which our century has discovered, but of which, alas, mankind has so far shown itself unworthy. Here is this air power with its claim to torture and terrorise the women and children, the civil population of neighbouring countries. This combination of medieval passion, a party caucus, the weapons of modern science, and the blackmailing power of air-bombing, is the most monstrous menace to peace, order and fertile progress that has appeared in the world since the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century.

The culminating question to which I have been leading is whether the world as we have known it—the great and hopeful world of before the war, the world of increasing hope and enjoyment for the common man, the world of honoured tradition and expanding science—should meet this menace by submission or by resistance. Let us see, then, whether the means of resistance remain to us today. We have sustained an immense disaster; the renown of France is dimmed. In spite of her brave, efficient army, her influence is profoundly diminished. No one has a right to say that Britain, for all her blundering, has broken her word — indeed, when it was too late, she was better than her word. Nevertheless, Europe lies at this moment abashed and distracted before the triumphant assertions of dictatorial power. In the Spanish Peninsula, a purely Spanish quarrel has been carried by the intervention, or shall I say the "non-intervention" (to quote the current Jargon) of Dictators into the region of a world cause. But it is not only in Europe that these oppressions prevail. China is being torn to pieces by a military clique in Japan; the poor, tormented Chinese people there are making a brave and stubborn defence. The ancient empire of Ethiopia has been overrun. The Ethiopians were taught to look to the sanctity of public law, to the tribunal of many nations gathered in majestic union.

But all failed; they were deceived, and now they are winning back their right to live by beginning again from the bottom a struggle on primordial lines. Even in South America the Nazi regime begins to undermine the fabric of Brazilian society.

Far away, happily protected by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, you, the people of the United States, to whom I now have the chance to speak, are the spectators, and I may add the increasingly involved spectators of these tragedies and crimes. We are left in no doubt where American conviction and sympathies lie; but will you wait until British freedom and independence have succumbed, and then take up the cause when it is three-quarters ruined, yourselves alone? I hear that they are saying in the United States that because England and France have failed to do their duty therefore the American people can wash their hands of the whole business. This may be the passing mood of many people, but there is no sense in it. If things have got much worse, all the more must we try to cope with them.

For, after all, survey the remaining forces of civilisation; they are overwhelming. If only they were united in a common conception of right and duty, there would be no war. On the contrary, the German people, industrious, faithful, valiant, but alas! lacking in the proper spirit of civic independence, liberated from their present nightmare, would take their honoured place in the vanguard of human society. Alexander the Great remarked that the people of Asia were slaves because they had not learned to pronounce the word "No." Let that not be the epitaph of the English-speaking peoples or of Parliamentary democracy, or of France, or of the many surviving liberal States of Europe.

There, in one single word, is the resolve which the forces of freedom and progress, of tolerance and good will, should take. It is not in the power of one nation, however formidably armed, still less is it in the power of a small group of men, violent, ruthless men, who have always to cast their eyes back over their shoulders, to cramp and fetter the forward march of human destiny. The preponderant world forces are upon our side; they have but to be combined to be obeyed.

We must arm. Britain must arm. America must arm. If, through an earnest desire for peace, we have placed ourselves at a disadvantage, we must make up for it by redoubled exertions, and, if necessary, by fortitude in suffering. We shall, no doubt, arm. Britain, casting away the habits of centuries, will decree national service upon her citizens. The British people will stand erect, and will face whatever may be coming.

But arms—instrumentalities, as President Wilson called them—are not sufficient by themselves. We must add to them the power of ideas. People say we ought not to allow ourselves to be drawn into a theoretical antagonism between Nazidom and democracy; but the antagonism is here now. It is this very conflict of spiritual and moral ideas which gives the free countries a great part of their strength. You see these dictators on their pedestals, surrounded by the bayonets of their soldiers and the truncheons of their police. On all sides they are guarded by masses of armed men, cannons, aeroplanes, fortifications, and the like—they boast and vaunt themselves before the world, yet in their hearts there is unspoken fear. They are afraid of words and thoughts; words spoken abroad, thoughts stirring at home—all the more powerful because forbidden—terrify them. A little mouse of thought appears in the room, and even the mightiest potentates are thrown into panic. They make frantic efforts to bar our thoughts and words; they are afraid of the workings of the human mind. Cannons, airplanes, they can manufacture in large quantities; but how are they to quell the natural promptings of human nature, which after all these centuries of trial and progress has inherited a whole armoury of potent and indestructible knowledge?

Dictatorship—the fetish worship of one man—is a passing phase. A state of society where men may not speak their minds, where children denounce their parents to the police, where a business man or small shopkeeper ruins his competitor by telling tales about his private opinions; such a state of society cannot long endure if brought into contact with the healthy outside world. The light of civilised progress with its tolerances and co-operation, with its dignities and joys, has often in the past been blotted out. But I hold the belief that we have now at last got far enough ahead of barbarism to control it, and to avert it, if only we realise what is afoot and make up our minds in time. We shall do it in the end. But how much harder our toil for every day's delay!

Is this a call to war? Does anyone pretend that preparation for resistance to aggression is unleashing war? I declare it to be the sole guarantee of peace. We need the swift gathering of forces to confront not only military but moral aggression; the resolute and sober acceptance of their duty by the English-speaking peoples and by all the nations, great and small, who wish to walk with them. Their faithful and zealous comradeship would almost between night and morning clear the path of progress and banish from all our lives the fear which already darkens the sunlight to hundreds of millions of men.

Lawrence Wong: 'The likelihood of a fully blown trade war is growing', Implications of Liberation Day tariffs - 2025

4 April 2025, Singapore

My fellow Singaporeans, I’ve said before that the world is changing – in ways that will disadvantage small open economies like Singapore.

Some had previously questioned this assessment.

But the recent “Liberation Day” announcement by the US leaves no room for doubt.

It marks a seismic change in the global order. The era of rules-based globalisation and free trade is over. We are entering a new phase – one that is more arbitrary, protectionist, and dangerous.

For decades, the US was the bedrock for the free market economies of the world.

It championed free trade, and led efforts to build a multilateral trading system, anchored by clear rules and norms, where countries could achieve win-win benefits through trade.

This WTO system brought unprecedented stability and prosperity to the world, and to the US itself.

To be clear, the system is not perfect. Singapore, and many others, have long called for reform – to update the rules and to make the system better. But what the US is doing now is not reform. It is abandoning the entire system it had created.

Its new approach of reciprocal tariffs, country by country, is a complete rejection of the WTO framework.

The US has placed Singapore in the lowest base tier – with a tariff of 10%. So the direct impact on us may be limited – for now. But there are wider and more profound consequences. If other countries adopt the same approach as the US – abandoning the WTO, and trading only on their own preferred terms, country by country – it will spell trouble for all nations, especially small ones like Singapore.

We risk being squeezed out, marginalised and left behind.

We can also expect a strong global response to America’s tariffs.

Singapore has decided not to impose retaliatory tariffs. But other countries may not exercise the same restraint.

The likelihood of a full-blown global trade war is growing.

The impact of the higher tariffs, plus the uncertainty of what countries may do next, will weigh heavily on the global economy. International trade and investments will suffer, and global growth will slow.

Singapore will take a bigger hit than others, because of our heavy reliance on trade.

The last time the world experienced something like this was in the 1930s. Trade wars escalated into armed conflict, and eventually the Second World War.

No one can say how the current situation will unfold in the coming months or years.

But we must be clear-eyed about the dangers that are building up in the world.

Global institutions are getting weaker; international norms are eroding. More and more countries will act based on narrow self-interest, and use force or pressure to get their way.

This is the harsh reality of our world today.

We will stay vigilant. We will build up our capabilities.

We will strengthen our network of partnerships with like-minded countries.

We are more ready than many other countries, with our reserves, our cohesion, and our resolve.

But we must brace ourselves for more shocks to come. The global calm and stability we once knew will not return anytime soon. We cannot expect that the rules which protected small states will still hold.

I am sharing this with you so that we can all be mentally prepared. So that we will not be caught off guard. Let us not be lulled into complacency. The risks are real. The stakes are high.

The road ahead will be harder. But if we stay resolute and united, Singapore will continue to hold its own in this troubled world.

Mark Carney: 'The old relationship we had with the United States is over', Response to Trump trade tariffs - 2025

28 March 2025, Ottawa, Canada

Today my cabinet colleagues and I met to discuss Canada's response to the latest developments in the trade crisis. Yesterday, in the latest salvo in his trade war, President Trump again imposed unjustified tariffs on our nation in violation of our existing trade agreements.

This time he targeted the auto industry and the more than 500,000 hardworking, dedicated Canadians that that industry supports across our country.

Now, the president of the United States is trying to fundamentally restructure his economy, it means our economy, and it means the global economy as well. And I understand and respect his goal to support American workers, but I disagree with him that this is how to help them. With time, it will become apparent that these actions will end up hurting American workers and American consumers.

I reject any attempts to weaken Canada, to wear us down, to break us so that America can own us. That will never happen. And our response to these latest tariffs is to fight, is to protect and to build. We will fight the US tariffs with retaliatory trade actions of our own that will have maximum impact in the United States and minimum impacts here in Canada. We will protect our workers and our industries during this difficult period,. But above all, we will build a new Canadian economy. We will build Canada strong.

Coming to terms with this sobering reality is the first step to taking necessary actions to defend our nation. But it's only the first step.

Last night the president of the United States reached out to schedule a call. I appreciate this opportunity to discuss how we can protect our workers and build our economies. I will make clear to the President that those interests are best served by cooperation and mutual respect, including of our sovereignty.

Let's be clear, we're all on the same page. We won't back down. We will respond forcefully. Nothing is off the table to defend our workers and our country.

Now, to my fellow Canadians, I don't want to set unreasonable expectations. The road ahead will be long. There is no silver bullet. There is no quick fix. And I know and I understand that many are feeling anxious and worried about the future. Fundamental change is always unsettling. But I have every confidence in our country because I understand what President Trump does not. That we love Canada with every fibre of our being because we are stronger when we are together and Canadians are uniting as never before.

Now, we are going to have to live the lessons of recent months. First, that we have to look out for ourselves. And second, that we have to look out for each other. The federal government will do everything in its power to protect Canadian workers and businesses. We will be here for you every step of the way. In the past week, my government committed to use every dollar collected from our retaliatory tariffs to protect our workers. Our biggest challenge as a country is becoming the most urgent. Over the coming weeks, months and years, we must fundamentally reimagine our economy.

We will need to ensure that Canada can succeed in a drastically different world. The old relationship we had with the United States based on deepening integration of our economies and tight security and military cooperations is over. What exactly the United States does next is unclear. But what is clear is that we as Canadians have agency, we have power. We are masters in our own home nous ? chez nous.

We can control our destiny. We can give ourselves much more than any foreign government, including the United States can ever take away. We can deal with this crisis best by building our strength right here at home. It will take hard work. It will take steady and focused determination from governments, from businesses, from labour, from Canadians. We will need to dramatically reduce our reliance on the United States. We will need to pivot our trade relationships elsewhere, and we will need to do things previously thought impossible at speeds we haven't seen in generations.

But we can make ourselves more productive and therefore more competitive. We can break down internal trade barriers. We can build a stronger and more resilient economy, and that's what I'm squarely focused on as your prime Minister.

Melanie Stansbury: 'How can you sit here and defend this?', House Oversight Committee - 2025

12 February 2025, Washington DC, USA

Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Governor, welcome to our witnesses.

Thank you for being here today.

I've really appreciated your commentary. It's been real, it's been substantive, and I support much of the efficiency work that's being done at the states.

But I have to say, once again, welcome to the latest episode of the GOP Oversight Committee, where my colleagues at the beginning of this hearing once again voted to block a good government motion to carry out our most basic constitutional duty.

They voted against a motion this morning, just a few moments ago, to bring Elon Musk in front of this committee to discuss what he is doing to supposedly right-size the government as they are claiming in this hearing.

And I have to say to my colleagues, with all due respect, why are you shielding Elon Musk from coming in front of this committee - if that is what your intent is - with this hearing and the work that you want to do?

Why is the GOP and the White House shielding an unelected, unvetted, unqualified private citizen and billionaire who is literally dismantling our agencies while we sit here - and is literally breaking the law?

Maybe it's because while we're sitting here, he and his team are working across town here in Washington DC, entering federal agencies and federal buildings, hacking their data systems, firing federal employees, intimidating them, trying to force them to leave, shutting down vital programs, closing the Department of Education, the CIA, the DOJ, and threatening our domestic and international security and downloading the private and sensitive data of Americans at the Department of Treasury.

So what the hell is going on?

How can you sit here and defend this?

They are literally breaking the law, the Constitution, appropriations law, federal labor laws, and dozens of statutory laws that Congress has passed.

And meanwhile, my friends across the aisle are sitting here today are saying that we're hyperventilating, that we're just clutching our pearls.

Are you serious?

Are you that out of touch with the American people?

I mean, I guess that's what happens when you elect billionaires and put billionaires in charge of the federal government.

Just let them eat cake? Is that your message to the American people?

Because last week, while you were at Trump’s private resort in Florida and partying it up after the inauguration, telling the media that funding freezes wouldn't hurt real Americans, well, millions of real Americans were sent into total chaos and our states had to go to the courts to shut down your federal funding freeze.

While Trump was golfing, the Medicaid systems were shut down and locked out.

Hospitals and clinics were wondering if they were gonna be able to keep their doors open.

Food assistance and homeless programs across New Mexico were shut out of their grant programs that keep families literally fed and off the streets.

Head Starts, preschools, and children's programs were wondering if they were gonna be able to make payroll the next day or by the end of the week.

And while Elon Musk and a group of teenage software engineers were hacking your personal data at the Treasury Department, shutting down DOJ, the CIA, USAID, and ending diversity initiatives in the military, saying that the United States military could not honor Dr Martin Luther King.

Our proud military personnel and veterans who put their lives on the line every day for this country were wondering if they were gonna get their paychecks and veterans benefits.

So colleagues, we are not clutching our pearls or hyperventilating.

We are defending the millions of Americans who are under attack, the federal employees, the mothers, the fathers, the grandfathers being put out on leave, advocating for the people of color, the women, the members of our LGBTQ+, and yes,our trans community who are under fire right now, under the guise of canceling DEI programs.

Under the guise of so-called ‘undoing social engineering’ after years of progress in this country.

We are defending the proud federal service members who defend our national security, who serve our communities and keep our economy running.

Because I want to tell you something.

The American people are terrified, and you are that out of touch with your people, then you should talk to your constituents.

We had a town hall two days ago and 12,000 New Mexicans got on our call because the people are terrified in this county.

And that is why we are fighting back.

That is why we are trying to bring Elon Musk to this committee.

And that is why we are fighting against this agenda.

And with that, I yield back the floor.

Kamela Harris: 'A fundamental principle of American democracy is that when we lose an election, we accept the results', Concession speech - 2024

6 November 2024, Howard University, Washington DC, USA

Harris begins speaking at 1.02.45

Good afternoon. Thank you all, thank you, thank you, thank you, thank you. Let me say, I love you back. My heart is full today. My heart is full today.

Full of gratitude for the trust you have placed in me, full of love for our country and full of resolve. The outcome of this election is not what we wanted, not what we fought for, not what we voted for. But hear me when I say, the light of America's promise will always burn bright. As long as we never give up, and as long as we keep fighting.

To my beloved Doug and our family, I love you so very much. To President Biden and Doctor Biden, thank you for your faith and support. To Governor Walz and the Walz family, I know your service to our nation will continue. And to my extraordinary team, to the volunteers who gave so much of themselves, to the poll workers and the local election officials, I thank you, I thank you all.I am so proud of the race we ran and the way we ran it. Over the 107 days of this campaign, we have been intentional about building community and building coalitions, bringing people together from every walk of life and background, united by love of country with enthusiasm and joy in our fight for America's future. And we did it with the knowledge that we all have so much more in common than what separates us.

Now, I know folks are feeling and experiencing a range of emotions right now. I get it. But we must accept the results of this election.

Earlier today, I spoke with president-elect Trump and congratulated him on his victory. I also told him that we will help him and his team with their transition and that we will engage in a peaceful transfer of power.

A fundamental principle of American democracy is that when we lose an election, we accept the results. That principle, as much as any other, distinguishes democracy from monarchy or tyranny. And anyone who seeks the public trust must honor it.

At the same time, in our nation, we owe loyalty, not to a president or a party, but to the Constitution of the United States, and loyalty to our conscience and to our God. My allegiance to all three is why I am here to say, while I concede this election, I do not concede the fight that fuelled this campaign.

The fight, the fight for freedom, for opportunity, for fairness and the dignity of all people. A fight for the ideals at the heart of our nation. The ideals that reflect America at our best. That is a fight I will never give up. I will never give up the fight for a future where Americans can pursue their dreams, ambitions and aspiration is where the women of America have the freedom to make decisions about their own body and not have their government telling them what to do.

We will never give up the fight to protect our schools and our streets from gun violence. And America, we will never give up the fight for our democracy, for the rule of law, for equal justice, and for the sacred idea that every one of us, no matter who we are or where we start out, has certain fundamental rights and freedoms that must be respected and upheld.

And we will continue to wage this fight in the voting booth, in the courts and in the public square.

And we will also wage it in quieter ways, in how we live our lives, by treating one another with kindness and respect, by looking in the face of a stranger and seeing a neighbour.

By always using our strength to lift people up, to fight for the dignity that all people deserve.

The fight for our freedom will take hard work. But like I always say, we like hard work.

Hard work is good work. Hard work can be joyful work, and the fight for our country is always worth it. It is always worth it.

To the young people who are watching, it is, I love you. To the young people who are watching it is okay to feel sad and disappointed, but please know it's going to be okay. On the campaign, I would often say when we fight, we win. But here's the thing, here's the thing. Sometimes the fight takes a while. That doesn't mean we won't win.

The important thing is don't ever give up, don't ever give up, don't ever stop trying to make the world a better place.

You have power. You have power and don't you ever listen when anyone tells you something is impossible because it has never been done before.

You have the capacity to do extraordinary good in the world.

And so to everyone who is watching, do not despair.

This is not a time to throw up our hands. This is a time to roll up our sleeves.

This is a time to organize, to mobilize, and to stay engaged for the sake of freedom and justice and the future that we all know we can build together.

Look many of you know, I started out as a prosecutor, and throughout my career I saw people at some of the worst times in their lives, people who had suffered great harm and great pain and yet found within themselves the strength and the courage and the resolve to take the stand, to take a stand, to fight for justice, to fight for themselves, to fight for others. So let their courage be our inspiration. Let their determination be our charge.

And I'll close with this. There's an adage an historian once called a law of history, true of every society across the ages.

The adage is: "Only when it is dark enough can you see the stars."

I know many people feel like we are entering a dark time, but for the benefit of us all, I hope that is not the case.

But here's the thing, America, if it is, let us fill the sky with the light of a brilliant, brilliant billion of stars.

The light, the light of optimism, of faith, of truth and service. And may that work guide us, even in the face of setbacks toward the extraordinary promise of the United States of America.

I thank you all, may God bless you and may God bless the United States of America. I thank you all."

Mitt Romney: 'What happened here today was an insurrection', Remarks from Capitol - 2021

6 January 2021, Capitol, Washington DC, USA

We gather today due to a selfish man’s injured pride and the outrage of his supporters whom he has deliberately misinformed for the past two months and stirred to action this very morning. What happened here today was an insurrection, incited by the President of the United States. Those who choose to continue to support his dangerous gambit by objecting to the results of a legitimate, democratic election will forever be seen as being complicit in an unprecedented attack against our democracy. They will be remembered for their role in this shameful episode in American history. That will be their legacy.
      
The objectors have claimed they are doing so on behalf of the voters. Have an audit, they say, to satisfy the many people who believe that the election was stolen. Please! No Congressional led audit will ever convince those voters, particularly when the President will continue to claim that the election was stolen. The best way we can show respect for the voters who are upset is by telling them the truth. That is the burden, and the duty, of leadership. The truth is that President-elect Biden won this election. President Trump lost. Scores of courts, the President’s own Attorney General, and state election officials both Republican and Democrat have reached this unequivocal decision.
    
We must not be intimidated or prevented from fulfilling our constitutional duty. We must continue with the count of electoral college votes. In light of today’s sad circumstances, I ask my colleagues: Do we weigh our own political fortunes more heavily than we weigh the strength of our Republic, the strength of our democracy, and the cause of freedom? What is the weight of personal acclaim compared to the weight of conscience?
    
Leader McConnell said that the vote today is the most important in his 40 plus years of public service. That is not because this vote reveals something about the election; it is because this vote reveals something about ourselves. I urge my colleagues to move forward with completing the electoral count, to refrain from further objections, and to unanimously affirm the legitimacy of the presidential election.

Liz Cheney: 'I was a Republican even before Donald Trump started spray tanning', Harris endorsement - 2024

3 October 2024, Wisconsin, USA

Boy, my God, what an amazing day to be in Wisconsin. Thank you all. Thank you so much. Thank you, Sheriff, for your courage and your service and for that wonderful introduction.

It is such a pleasure to be here today at Ripon College. And I have to tell you all, Wisconsin is special for me for a particularly important reason. Way back in 1966, when a very young Dick Cheney and Lynn Cheney were graduate students at the University of Wisconsin, I was born here. And so, go Badgers, exactly.

So, coming back to Wisconsin always feels to me more than a little bit like coming home. I want you to know the last time that I was here campaigning was 20 years ago in 2004. And although politics divided us certainly in that year, we were united in our admiration for the Packers legendary, Bart Starr. And one of the most special and memorable days I had on any campaign was the day that we got to spend with him, which included a personal tour of Lambeau Field. So, very special to be back again.

Now, you all know, of course, that here in Ripon, the Republican Party was founded. It was founded in a meeting in 1854 in the little white schoolhouse, and it was founded by people who were opposed to slavery. It was that Republican Party, the party of Lincoln and Eisenhower, the party of Reagan and Bush. It's that party that I belonged to my entire life.

I volunteered on my first presidential campaign. I already told you how old I am. So, I'll tell you. … in 1976 when I was ten years old and I was sealing envelopes for President Ford's re-election campaign.

I cast my first vote ever in 1984 for Ronald Reagan. I served in the State Department in both Bush administrations and I served in the United States House of Representatives for three terms, including as the third highest ranking Republican in House leadership.

So, in other words, I was a Republican even before Donald Trump started spray tanning.

I am a Ronald Reagan conservative. I believe in limited government. I believe in low taxes. I believe in a strong national defense. And I believe that the private sector is the engine of growth of our economy. I believe that the family, and not the government, is the most important structure in our society.

I know that our security and our freedom depend upon a world in which America, with our allies, leads. And above all else, I know that the most conservative of conservative values is fidelity to our Constitution.

I tell you, I have never voted for a Democrat. But this year, I am proudly casting my vote for Vice President Kamala Harris.

Thank you. But mostly, we're not going back.

Vice President Harris is standing in the breach at a critical moment in our nation's history. She's working to unite reasonable people from all across the political spectrum.

Vice President Harris has dedicated her life to public service. I know that she loves our country, and I know that she will be a president for all Americans.

As a conservative, as a patriot, as a mother, as someone who reveres our Constitution, I am honored to join her in this urgent cause.

As we meet here today, our republic faces a threat unlike any we have faced before, a former president who attempted to stay in power by unraveling the foundations of our republic by refusing to accept the lawful results confirmed by dozens of courts of the 2020 election. We cannot turn away from this truth. In this election, putting patriotism ahead of partisanship is not an aspiration. It is our duty.

At the very heart of our survival as a republic is the peaceful transition of power. Ronald Reagan said this was nothing short of a miracle that every four or eight years, the most powerful office in our land, indeed the most powerful office in the world, is passed peacefully to a new president. In the United States of America, violence does not and must never determine who rules us. Voters do.

And in this country, under our Constitution, our president has a particular solemn obligation to ensure and guarantee the peaceful transfer of power. Since the beginning of the republic, every president in our history has fulfilled that duty, every president until Donald Trump.

When Donald Trump woke up on the morning of January 6th 2021, his intention, despite having lost the election, was that he would remain president. Rather than accept his loss and concede defeat, he had spent months overseeing a multi part plan to attempt to seize power and remain in office. He ignored the rulings of the courts. He corruptly pressured state legislatures, including here in Wisconsin, to overturn the results of their elections. He told the Justice Department to lie for him. He conspired to have fake electoral votes cast and he corruptly pressured his vice president to take illegal and unconstitutional actions.

He summoned a mob to Washington, D.C. with his lies, and he sent the armed mob to the United States Capitol in an effort to stop the counting of electoral votes. As the violent mob attacked our Capitol in Donald Trump's name, as they brutally beat law enforcement officers, as they hunted the vice president and the speaker of the House, Donald Trump watched the attack on television for hours,

Sitting in the dining room next to the Oval Office, he refused repeated pleas from his family, from his closest advisers, from the most senior officials in his campaign and in our government to tell the mob to leave.

And when Donald Trump finally did speak publicly after hours of violence, after the Capitol had been invaded, he praised the rioters. He did not condemn them. That's who Donald Trump is.

Those facts, those facts that we know about what Donald Trump did, including what he did when our Capitol was under siege, those facts do not come from Donald Trump's political opponents. Those facts come from the people closest to him. They are the ones who testified that Donald Trump did not want to stop the violent attack on our Capitol.

When he learned that Vice President Pence was not going to abandon his oath and help Trump seize power, Trump sent out a tweet attacking Pence and further inflaming the mob. One of Trump's aides testified that shortly after that, this aide received a phone call alerting him that the vice president had been evacuated for his own safety from his office off the floor of the Senate. This aide recalled rushing to the dining room to tell Trump, hoping that this information would convince him to take immediate action to ensure the vice president's safety. Instead, after this aide delivered that news, Donald Trump looked up at him and said, so what? He said, so what?

It is Donald Trump's closest aides who also told us this. They said that while the attack on our Capitol was happening, Donald Trump was handed a note informing him that a civilian had been shot at the door to the chamber of the United States House of Representatives. Donald Trump put the note down on the table in front of him, continued to watch the attack on television and still refused to tell the mob to leave the Capitol.

Donald Trump was willing to sacrifice our Capitol to allow law enforcement officers to be beaten and brutalized in his name and to violate the law and the Constitution in order to seize power for himself. I don't care if you are a Democrat or a Republican or an independent. That is depravity, and we must never become numb to it.

Any person who would do these things can never be trusted with power again. We must defeat Donald Trump on November 5th.

In that election, 20 years ago, when we were campaigning in Wisconsin and all across the country, we were campaigning as compassionate conservatives. What January 6th shows us is that there is not an ounce of compassion in Donald Trump. He is petty, he is vindictive, and he is cruel. And Donald Trump is not fit to lead this good and great nation. Now, sometimes people will say, you know, January 6th wasn't that big a deal. You know, in a time when I have heard many pretty stunning things from Republicans, one of the most stunning was yesterday from your former governor, Scott Walker, who said, basically, people are over January 6th.

When you think about what that means that an elected official, a former elected official is so willing to minimize what happened, to say things like I've heard from others to say, don't worry, our institutions held that day, we have a responsibility, all of us to remind people that our institutions don't defend themselves. We, the people have to do that. We, the people defend our institutions.

And our institutions held on January 6th because there were brave men and women, including elected officials at every level of our government who did their duty, who stood up for what was right, who resisted Donald Trump's efforts to pressure them to violate their oaths.

And our institutions held especially because of the bravery of the men and women in law enforcement and in our military, in our Capitol Police, our Secret Service, the Metropolitan Police. They're the ones who defended our Capitol, our democracy, and our lives. Many of them fought a bloody hours-long battle on the west front of the Capitol. Go watch the video of that battle. It is sickening. They're the ones who held the line and prevented far worse from happening that day. They are the true profiles in courage. Do not let anyone lie about what happened and what they did.

Our institutions also held because of Vice President Mike Pence, who refused -- he refused to violate his oath to the Constitution. And that is why Mike Pence is not Donald Trump's running mate today. Instead J.D. Vance is on the ticket.

Vance has said -- I mean, that's true. Vance has said repeatedly that he would have done what Donald Trump wanted. That he would have rejected electoral votes. He would have thrown out the votes of the people of Wisconsin because he didn't like the way that you voted. That is tyranny and that is disqualifying.

History teaches us again and again that democracies can fall. They fall to populists. They fall to strongmen, strongmen who beguile their fellow citizens with conspiracy theories and false emergencies. As my friend, the late Charles Krauthammer, taught us, the lesson of our history is that the task of merely maintaining strong and sturdy, the structures of our constitutional order is unending. It is the continuing and ceaseless work of every generation. And that responsibility now falls on all of us in this election.

This great country of ours requires leaders of character. We must choose men and women who have what Abraham Lincoln called a sincere heart. Our nation's second president, John Adams, put it this way. On the first night he ever spent in the White House, he wrote a letter to his wife, Abigail. And his letter included a prayer, a prayer that is so special, President Kennedy had it engraved in the mantelpiece in the State Dining Room in the White House. And in his letter he said this, May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.

Now, I'm confident -- just a second, I am, I am confident that John Adams meant women too.

In this election, a broad coalition has come together to support Vice President Kamala Harris. Now, we may disagree on some things, but we are bound together by the one thing that matters to us as Americans more than any other, and that's our duty to our Constitution and our belief in the miracle and the blessing of this incredible nation.

We have a shared commitment as Americans to ensuring that future generations live in a nation where power is transferred peacefully, where our leaders are men and women of good faith and where our public servants set aside partisan battles to do what's right for this country.

So, today, I ask all of you here and everyone listening across this great country to join us. I ask you to meet this moment. I ask you to stand in truth, to reject the depraved cruelty of Donald Trump. And I ask you instead to help us elect Kamala Harris for president.

I know that a President Harris, that President Harris will be able to unite this nation. I know that she will be a president who will defend the rule of law. And I know that she will be a president who can inspire all of our children, and if I might say so, especially our little girls, to do great things. So, help us right the ship of our democracy so that history will say of us when our time of testing came, we did our duty and we prevailed because we loved our country more.

And now it is my great honor to introduce you to our vice president and the next president of the United States, Kamala Harris.

Donald Trump: 'Where the price of bacon, the price of tomatoes, they tell me', Town Hall Q & A - 2024

14 October 2024, Pennsylvania, USA

This ‘speech’ was delivered during the Q & A of a staged Town Hall during the last weeks of the 2024 election campaign. Speakola is interested in historically significant speeches, and we think this is historically significant because two weeks before a presidential election, this mentally incapacitated person is equal in the polls. The vetted question came from an African American woman behind Trump on the stage. Reading from a card, the woman mentioned her conversion from blue collar Democrat to Trump loving MAGA Republican and then said:

Woman: “Like my fellow Americans, my grocery bill has not gone down. Everything is still so very expensive. What steps will your administration take to help American families suffering from this inflation?”

Trump: So, you know, it’s such a great question in the sense that people don’t think of grocery. You know, it sounds like not such an important word when you talk about homes and everything else, right? But more people tell me about grocery bills, where the price of bacon, the price of lettuce, the price of tomatoes, they tell me. And we’re going to do a lot of things.

You know, our farmers aren’t being treated properly. And we had a deal with China, and it was a great deal — I never mentioned it because once covid came in, I said, that was a bridge too far because I had a great relationship with President Xi [Jinping]. And he’s a fierce man and he’s a man that likes China and I understand that. But we had a deal and he was perfect on that deal, $50 billion he was going to buy. We were doing numbers like you wouldn’t believe, for the farmer. But the farmers are very badly hurt. The farmers in this country, we’re going to get them straightened out. We’re going to get your prices down.

But you asked another question about safety and also about Black population jobs and Hispanic population in particular those two. So when millions of people pour into our country, they’re having a devastating effect on Black families and Hispanic families more than any others. I think it’s going to spread to a lot of other places.

I think it’s going to spread to unions. I think unions are going to have a big problem because, you know, employers are just not going to pay the price. They’re going to—and it’s going to be—it’s a very bad thing that’s happening.

So they’re coming in. Many are coming in from jails and prisons and mental institutions, insane asylums. That’s like, you know, step above, right? Insane asylum. And whenever I go, Hannibal Lecter, you know what I’m talking about. They always go—the fake news. That’s a lot of fake news back there, too.

They always mention—you know, it’s a way of demeaning, they say, ‘Hannibal Lecter, why would he mention?’ Well, you know why, because he was a sick puppy, and we have sick puppies coming into our country. I figured that’s a lot—that’s better than wasting a lot of words. You just say, ‘Hannibal Lecter. We don’t want him.’ But. But they always sort of say, ‘Why would he say that?’ I do it for a lot of reasons.

But I do it because we are allowing some very bad people into our country. And they’re coming as terrorists. You know, you saw the other day, last month they had the record number of terrorists. I had a month — and I love Border Patrol.

Did you see they gave me a full endorsement two days ago? Border Patrol.

The Border Patrol. And they’re great. And, you know, they want to do their job. They don’t want to let these people come in. They look at them. They can tell. They can look at somebody, say good, bad. They say what’s coming into our country now, it’s having a huge negative impact on Black families and on Hispanic families and ultimately on everybody.

And we’re going to close that border so tight. It’s going to be closed. And I said the two things I’m going to do, first, we’re going to close that border—and people are going to come in. You want people to come in. We need people to come in. People are going to come into our country legally.

You know, it’s so unfair. You have people that are waiting on a system, in a line and they’ve been waiting in this line. You know how long? For years, 10 years, 12 years and they study and they take tests. And then people come. I actually say, ‘Why don’t you just go and just come on across?’ I tell people that it’s terrible, right? I said, ‘Go out. You’re incredible.’ They say, ‘What can I do to speed up the process?’ I say, ‘You know what, go to the southern border. I’ll see you on the other side.’ It’s so unfair.

But we’re going to have them come in legally. You have to see what they have to do. They take tests on, you know, who was the first one here? What date was this? What does 1776 mean? All this stuff.

And these other people are coming in and they’re affecting the school systems and they’re affecting the hospital system. I mean, if you take a look at what’s going on in Springfield, Ohio, a town of 50,000 people, they’ve just added 32,000 people. Illegal immigrants. And we’re not going to put up with it.

And we’re going to take care of your costs are going to come down, and you’re not going to have a problem with — because the biggest problem, and I’m hearing it from Black people and to a lesser extent right now, but it’ll be the same, Hispanic people.

And I’ll tell you what, our poll numbers have gone through the roof. With Black and Hispanic, have gone through the roof. And I like that. I like that. I like that. So we’re going to take care of it. You will be — I’ll tell you, if everything works out, if everybody gets out and votes on January 5th. Or before.

You know, it used to be, you’d have a date. Today, you can vote two months before, probably three months after. They don’t know what the hell they’re doing. But we’re going to straighten it all out. We’re going to straighten that out. We’re going to straighten our election process out, too. That’s going to be important, also. So thank you very much, darling. We’re going to get it straight. Thank you.

Bradley Whitford: 'Exhaustion and despair is what they want you to feel'', Madison City Walz rally - 2024

22 October 2024, Madison City, Wisconsin, USA

Whitford’s speech comes straight off the top of the above video clip

What’s up Mad City?

I'm so happy to be back in my hometown and I am thrilled to welcome Coach Waltz and, what's his name, President Obama to this city that I love so much. And by the way, yes, of course. Absolutely. I would've voted for Obama for a third time. There's no question about it.

Wow. So here we are. What a moment. As Josh Lyman would say, 'What in God's name is happening right now?' It turns out that the fakest thing about 'The West Wing' was not the veneers on my teeth. It was the fact that we had rational Republicans.

Can you imagine if I walked into the writer's room and pitched a character like Donald Trump? Like, 'Okay, guys, how about this guy we're running against? He's a 34 count convicted felon and adjudicated rapist who found some way to declare bankruptcy six times after his daddy gave him almost half a billion dollars.  He couldn't even run a casino! He brags about sexual assault. He mocks the disabled. He's a draft dodger who wraps himself in the flag and dessicrates the service of our veterans who gave their lives for our country, calling them 'suckers and losers', a serial philander who claims to represent Christian values while spewing hatred and division to all, and spends a life violating all 10 commandments like he's playing some sort of twisted bingo game with the devil, a malignant narcissist with a pathological need to tell people how good looking he is, what a vision of manliness he is. As he stands before his cultissupporters slathered in more makeup and more hairspray than a drag queen, dancing incoherently to 'YMCA' and finding a way to weave his love for dictators into a bizarre admiration for Arnold Palmer's junk.'

It's bad writing. It would've been laughed out of the room and it would've been insulting to Republicans.But this ain't no stinking television show. The stakes have never been higher and the consequences are real. I've been thinking about my dad who passed away a long time ago. My dad, George Whitford. He was president of Planned Parenthood at Dane County when I was a schoolboy. He worked at Cuna Mutual out on Mineral Point Road. But he gave his time to Planned Parenthood, which was not a partisan thing back then. He was just a dad who loved his wife and his daughters and thought they deserved agency over their own bodies and access to the healthcare they need!

Radical lefty ideas like that. But now the guy who brags about sexual assault is also bragging about the fact that he overturned Roe v Wade and stripped those fundamental rights away from half of our population. I want to speak the name Amber Nicole Thurman, and I want us all to remember her. She bled to death in Georgia because she wasn't close enough to death for the doctors to agree to treat her until it was too late. She was denied the medical care she needed, and she passed away unnecessarily leaving her 6-year-old son without a mother. I encourage you all, there's a GoFundMe in her name that I encourage you to visit. Or Jess Hamilton, a woman in Texas who I met who survived barely after her husband, Ryan found her bleeding out on the bathroom floor after being denied the medical care she needed because she wasn't close enough to death for the doctors to treat her in Texas out of fear of being prosecuted because of the draconian abortion ban that Donald Trump helped made possible, and he is proud of it!

These are not isolated cases. This is happening right now.  According to the Journal of the American Medical Association, this is last January, there were 65,000 pregnant rape victims. Look it up! Last January, living in states without access to abortion care. 65,000 rape victims forced to carry their rapist's baby to term. My God, Donald Trump is proud of it though. He was laughing. He was laughing about Amber Thurman on Fox the other day. So yeah, you may know me from 'The West Wing'', but apparently I'm working on a documentary right now called 'The Handmaid's Tale', and make no mistake about it, misogyny is at the reptilian brainstem of white Christian nationalism, and that is what we are up against. It's not pro-life when you don't give a shit about the number one cause of death for children in this country, which is guns.

None of it is pro-life. It is a radical war against women, and Donald Trump is leading the charge. Now, speaking of Christian nationalism, you've had a chance to peruse Project 2025. You know that the sequel 'My weekend with Donny Trump' that he is planning is going to be even worse in Weekend at Donny's 2' he wants to get rid of the Affordable Care Act which would rip away health coverage from tens of thousands of people and kick people under 26 off their parents' plan. It's not pro-life. He wants to cut taxes for the richest of the rich and slap a Trump sales tax on everyone else that will cost you $4,000 a year if you're an average family. By the way, my dad, he had his favourite riddle was,  'Who's happier? The guy with 11 kids or the guy with $11 million? And the answer is the guy with 11 kids. But the reason is he is the only one who doesn't want more!'

And that's really, I think, explains Republican economic policy. For a very long time it's based on this Orwellian notion that the rich [pretends to get emotional] are victims. Even with increasing wealth disparities, the rich need to be liberated. They're [mock voice crack] overtaxed.  They are overregulated and they need to be set free. It's insane.

What else? Oh yeah. In 2025, mass deportations, he's promised political prosecutions unchecked power in the hands of a rapidly deteriorating 78-year-old felon whose closing message, if you've been watching this week, appears to be I am out of my fricking gourd. I mean, it's mind boggling. What's next? Is he going to yank his pinky off and light it like a cigarette? I'm telling you, it's bad writing and it's dangerous. My dad, he's coming up a lot here. My dad had a phrase for guys like him. 'Donald Trump has a bright future behind him, '

And how lucky are we? How lucky are we to have Kamala Harris and Tim Walz

The perfect candidates at this moment to turn the page on this civic virus and send Donald Trump and his radical allies into the dustbin of history where they belong? Instead of tearing us apart with hatred and division, vice President Harris and Governor Walz want to bring us together with joy and love to create a future we can all believe in! The future that our children deserve. And unlike Donald Trump, they have a little bit more than just a concept of the plan to bring costs down in Madison and all across the country. And don't worry, it's not a secret plan to fight inflation. It is an actual plan. It's written down for human beings to read, and it's available at kamalaharris.com. They're fresh ideas on how to support small businessess, make sure you make a living wage, and who knows, maybe even buy a house one day. They are committed.

They are committed to protecting our planet, to easing the burden of student loans, and of course, at this incredible moment to defending our most fundamental freedoms. Now, look, I've been coming back here every cycle for the last quarter century. I get it. I know. I don't know, but I have a real sense of the bombardment that you feel. You live in a state that is a swing state that is decided by a single point or less, and I know you must be bored hearing some celebrity lubricant like me. Sorry, that was weird. I didn't mean to get weird. It got weird, didn't it? We'll cut it, right? This isn't live, no. You don't need me to tell you what you already know that this is the most important election of your lifetime.

I just want you to know that exhaustion and despair is what they want you to feel. It's what that bully fraud, Eric Hufty, that's what he wants you to feel. I have trans people in my family and boy, come and talk to me sometime. Eric Hufty. How dare you! Dare you target a vulnerable community like that. No trans person's pursuit of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness has ever prevented any other American from pursuing their own version of that.

It's perverse. It's perverse to score political points like that. It's perverse for Donald Trump to use a natural disaster where people are dying as an opportunity to spread disinformation and score political points. It's perverse, but I want you to know, they want you to be exhausted. They want you to feel despair. It's part of the strategy, and I'm here to remind you that action is the antidote to despair! I want to remind you of the unique, incredible power that you have at this moment in history, in this state, in this county. Three votes. What is it? In every ward can swing this state. If you can change your uncle's mind, have him call me ... If you can. I really want you to do this, especially with young people because we say, 'oh, young people don't vote' because Republicans make it incredibly hard for them to vote. Make sure, make sure five people who you may assume are with you, make sure they make a plan and make sure they vote. Because I got news for you. If we spend the next two weeks knocking doors, manning phones, doing everything we can to get out every vote with your help -

We're going to win! We're not moving back. We're not going back. We're moving forward! We're going to win! With your help, we're going to hold this country up. We're going to hold it up to its spectacular, unfulfilled aspirations. And Wisconsin, God, I love you. You're going to lead the way ...  because with, ... you're going to send Tammy Baldwin so we can keep the Senate.

And with Kamala Harris and Tim Walz, we're going to win! With joy. We're going to win! With love. We're going to win. Thank you, Madison.

Joe Biden: 'I revere this office, but I love my country more', Address to the nation - 2024

25 July 2024, Washington DC, USA

My fellow Americans, I'm speaking to you tonight from behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office.

In this sacred space, I'm surrounded by portraits of extraordinary American presidents. Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the immortal words that guide this nation. George Washington, who showed us presidents are not kings. Abraham Lincoln, who implored us to reject malice. Franklin Roosevelt, who inspired us to reject fear.

I revere this office, but I love my country more.

It's been the honor of my life to serve as your president. But in the defense of democracy, which is at stake, I think it's more important than any title.

I draw strength and I find joy in working for the American people. But this sacred task of perfecting our Union -- it's not about me. It's about you, your families, your futures. It's about "We the People." We can never forget that, and I never have.

I've made it clear that I believe America is at an inflection point, one of those rare moments in history when the decisions we make now will determine our fate of our nation and the world for decades to come. America is going to have to choose between moving forward or backward, between hope and hate, between unity and division.

We have to decide: Do we still believe in honesty, decency, and respect; freedom, justice, and democracy?

In this moment, we can see those we disagree with not as enemies or -- but as frien- -- as fellow Americans. Can we do that? Does character in public life still matter?

I believe I know the answer to these questions, because I know you, the American people.

And I know this: We are a great nation because we are a good people.

When you elected me to this office, I promised to always level with you, to tell you the truth. And the truth, the sacred cause of this country is larger than any one of us.

And those of us who cheri[sh] that cause -- cherish it so much -- the cause of American democracy itself -- must unite to protect it.

You know, in recent weeks, it's become clear to me that I needed to unite my party in this critical endeavor. I believe my record as president, my leadership in the world, my vision for America's future all merited a second term, but nothing -- nothing -- can come in the way of saving our democracy. That includes personal ambition.

So, I've decided the best way forward is to pass the torch to a new generation. That's the best way to unite our nation.

I know there is a time and a place for long years of experience in public life. But there is also a time and place for new voices, fresh voices -- yes, younger voices. And that time and place is now.

Over the next six months, I'll be focused on doing my job as president. That means I will continue to lower costs for hardworking families, grow our economy. I'll keep defending our personal freedoms and our civil rights, from the right to vote to the right to choose. And I'll keep calling out hate and extremism and make it clear there is no place -- no place in America for political violence or any violence ever, period.

I'm going to keep -- keep speaking out to protect our kids from gun violence, our planet from the climate crisis. It is the existential threat.

And I will keep fighting my -- for my Cancer Moonshot so we can end cancer as we know it, because we can do it.

And I'm going to call for Supreme Court reform because this is critical to our democracy -- Supreme Court reform.

You know, I will keep working to ensure America remains strong and secure and the leader of the free world.

I'm the first president in this century to report to the American people that the United States is not at war anywhere in the world.

I will keep rallying a coalition of proud nations to stop Putin from taking over Ukraine and doing more damage.

I will keep NATO stronger, and I'll make it more powerful and more united than any time in all of our history. And I'll keep doing the same for our allies in the Pacific.

You know, when I came to office, the conventional wisdom was that China would inevitably -- would inevitably pass the United -- surpass the United States. That's not the case anymore.

And I'm going to keep working to end the war in Gaza, bring home all the hostages, and bring peace and security to the Middle East and end this war.

We're also working around the clock to bring home Americans being unjustly detained all around the world.

You know, we have come so far since my inauguration. On that day, I told you as I stood in that winter -- we stood in a winter of peril and a winter of possibilities -- peril and possibilities.

We're in the grip of the wor- -- we were in the grip of the worst pandemic in a century, the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the worst attack on our democracy since the Civil War. But we came together as Americans and we got through it.

We emerged stronger, more prosperous, and more secure.

And today, we have the strongest economy in the world, creating nearly 16 million new jobs -- a record. Wages are up. Inflation continues to come down. The racial wealth gap is the lowest it's been in 20 years.

We're literally rebuilding our entire nation -- urban, suburban, rural, and Tribal communities.

Manufacturing has come back to America. We're leading the world again in chips and science and innovation.

And we finally beat Big Pharma after all these years to lower the cost of prescription drugs for seniors. And I'm going to keep fighting to make sure we lower the costs for everyone, not just seniors.

More people have health care today in America than ever before. And I signed one of the most significant laws helping millions of veterans and their families who were exposed to toxic materials.

You know, the most significant climate law ever -- ever in the history of the world. The first major gun safety law in 30 years. And today, violent -- the violent crime rate is at a 50-year low.

We're also securing our border. Border crossings are lower today than when the previous administration left office.

And I kept my commitment to appoint the first Black woman to the Supreme Court of the United States of America. I also kept my commitment to have an administration that looks like America and to be a president for all Americans. That's what I've done.

I ran for president four years ago because I believed and still do that the soul of America was at stake. The very nature of who we are was at stake. And that's still the case.

America is an idea -- an idea stronger than any army, bigger than any ocean, more powerful than any dictator or tyrant. It's the most powerful idea in the history of the world.

That idea is that we hold these truths to be self-evident. We're all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights: life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.

We've never fully lived up to it -- to this sacred idea, but we've never walked away from it either. And I do not believe the American people will walk away from it now.

In just a few months, the American people will choose the course of America's future.

I made my choice. I have made my views known.

I would like to thank our great vice president, Kamala Harris. She's experienced. She's tough. She's capable. She has been an incredible partner to me and a leader for our country.

Now the choice is up to you, the American people.

When you make that choice, remember the words of Benjamin Franklin, who's hanging on my wall here in the Oval Office alongside the busts of Dr. King and Rosa Parks and Cesar Chavez.

When Ben Franklin was asked as he emerged from the -- the con- -- the -- the convention going on whether the Founders had given America a monarchy or a republic, Franklin's response was, "A republic, if you can keep it." "A republic, if you can keep it." Whether we keep our republic is now in your hands.

My fellow Americans, it's been the privilege of my life to serve this nation for over 50 years. Nowhere else on Earth could a kid with a stutter from modest beginnings in Scranton, Pennsylvania, and Claymont, Delaware, one day sit behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office as president of the United States. But here I am.

That's what's so special about America. We are a nation of promise and possibilities, of dreamers and doers, of ordinary Americans doing extraordinary things.

I have given my heart and my soul to our nation, like so many others. And I have been blessed a million times in return with the love and support of the American people.

I hope you have some idea how grateful I am to all of you. The great thing about America is here kings and dictators do not rule. The people do.

History is in your hands. The power is in your hands. The idea of America lies in your hands.

We just have to keep faith -- keep the faith and remember who we are. We are the United States of America, and there is simply nothing -- nothing beyond our capacity when we do it together. So, let's act together, preserve our democracy.

God bless you all. And may God protect our troops.

Thank you.

Chris Christie: 'Donald Trump wants you to be angry every day because he’s angry', end of Presidential bid - 2024

11 January 2024, Windham, New Hampshire, USA

Good evening. Good evening. Thank you all for coming tonight. This is one of the cooler venues we’ve been to here, right? Happy to be here in Windham. Thank you all for taking the time to come. Glad we’re having better weather than we had yesterday. We were up in Rochester yesterday and it was snowing like real New Hampshire snow, so it was good to experience that. Thank you all for coming tonight. I appreciate you being here. I appreciate your support.

We started these town halls the same way. I started them the same way ever since we were up at St. Anselms in June to tell you why, why we’re in this race. We’re in this race to tell the truth. From the beginning, we’ve been in this race to tell the truth. Fact is that as we were watching this race come together from where Mary Pat and I were sitting at home in New Jersey, we were really concerned that nobody would tell the truth in this race about what’s really at stake and no one would tell the truth about Donald Trump. No one would tell the truth about his divisiveness, his stoking of anger for his own benefit in putting himself before the people of this country, myself included, who gave him the honor of being President of the United States from 2017 to 2021. Personal ambition is a necessary element for any political candidate. You got to get out of bed in the morning and be able to really believe in your heart that you have something to offer to folks that’s better and different. I have no argument with people who are involved in politics being ambitious. You need to have it, but it can’t be what governs your decision making. Ambition can’t be what makes you decide how to do things as a public figure. It could just be the fuel that gets you out of bed, that gets you in front of a room like this, that gets you on the phone raising money, that gets you working for people who you believe in and gets you working for yourself.

I made a political decision eight years ago when I dropped out of the race in 2016. I looked at the polls and I decided that Donald Trump was going to be the nominee and that since I’d known him for 15 years, that I could make him a better candidate and if he won, maybe a better president. I knew his flaws, but I also knew he was going to win the nomination so I decided that I would get behind him and support him. I let the ambition get ahead and in control of the decision-making. After I figured that out, I promised myself and I promised my wife that I would never, ever do that again, and I’m not going to.

For all the people who have been in this race, who have put their own personal ambition ahead of what’s right, they will ultimately have to answer the same questions that I had to answer after my decision in 2016. Those questions don’t ever leave. In fact, they’re really stubborn. They stay, and so I know how I’m answering those questions. I’ve never believed that Donald Trump was a foregone conclusion as our nominee in this race, and I knew that the case had to be made against him. Now, there are people in our party who are resigned with the fact that he was going to be the nominee, resigned with the fact that the case didn’t even need to be made because it would be a waste of time.

They sat on the sidelines and all they did was voice their opposition in private, behind closed doors quietly so no one could hear. That’s not leadership everybody. That’s cowardice. It’s cowardice and it’s hypocrisy. As a party, we need to be willing to take the responsibility for the part we’ve played in getting here. Our country is angry. It’s divided. It’s accomplishing little, and it is leading our citizens to be exhausted. You just look at what’s happening just in the last few days, good people who got into politics, I believe for the right reasons. People like Senator John Barrasso, people like Congressman Tom Emmer stand up and endorse Donald Trump.

They know better. I know they know better. People who continue to deny the results of the 2020 election. People in leadership in the House who go on TV and say that the people who attack the Capitol on January 6th are hostages. I’ll tell you who hostages are. The Israelis who are still being hidden in tunnels in Gaza against their will out of no fault of their own. These people speak louder for the folks who attacked our Capitol on January 6th than they are willing to stand up and speak for the people of Israel who are in tunnels in Gaza. That’s not leadership. That’s ambition and cowardice, which is outstripped their otherwise good judgment.

We want to change this party, and if we want to change this country, it’s hard work. It’s not easy. From the moment I got into the race, the decision that I made was really simple. I would rather lose by telling the truth than lie in order to win. I feel no differently today because this is a fight for the soul of our party and the soul of our country. Why have we resisted the calls to drop out of this race? Because unlike some of the other candidates, we’re fighting for something bigger than ourselves. We’re fighting for something bigger than self-interest. We’re fighting for something bigger than the next title. I’ve got plenty of titles, enough titles to last me the rest of my life. US Attorney, governor, husband, father, son, brother. I have enough titles to last me for the rest of my life. We are fighting for something bigger.

It’s something that conventional wisdom thinkers just can’t possibly understand. And so they’ve been saying for weeks and weeks and weeks because some polls that I should drop out of the race that I should get out for that reason. The smallness of the campaigns who spend more time arguing and worrying about who should get out of the race than they have spent going after the front-runner. They spend all their time saying, “Oh, Christie should get out. Scott should get out. Pence should get out. Hutchinson should get out. Burgum should get out. They and their donors have a different target every day to try to minimize the attention for their own campaign. How their own campaign is a campaign that doesn’t play to win. It’s a campaign that plays to not offend.” The problems in our country, the divisions and influx at our border, the problems with our enormous debt, the failures of our education system,

All of those things and much more will not be solved by people who are too afraid to talk about what the real problems are. If we ever have a hope of restoring this party to be a governing party of principles, we have to be willing to do the hard work and take some of the heat that comes with it. We have candidates in this race who have run away from forums where they’re afraid they were going to be booed. I run into the forums where I know I’m going to be booed because being booed for telling the truth is a badge of honor.

I’m proud of everything we’ve said and done so far, and I’m proud of all the people who have supported us and are willing to do what needs to be done to restore the soul of our country. See, because in the end, all those issues that we’ve talked about at all the town halls, they’re all really important, but they’re no more important than the most important issue, and that is the character of the candidate.

You don’t know what’s going to come across the next President’s desk. You think you can predict it, but you can’t. No one asked George W. Bush or Al Gore what they would do if four airliners were hijacked and flown into symbols of American power and killing thousands of Americans. No one asked them that in New Hampshire in 2000, but I was glad we had a man of character sitting behind the desk in the Oval Office when that attack came, because I knew George Bush would do everything he needed to do to protect this country and its people and put them first, not himself first.

Imagine just for a moment, if 9-11 had happened with Donald Trump behind the desk. The first thing he would’ve done was run to the bunker to protect himself. He would’ve put himself first before this country. And anyone who is unwilling to say that he is unfit to be President of the United States is unfit themselves to be President of the United States.

Campaigns are run to win. That’s why we do them. I see the chairman here in New Hampshire. He knows we run campaigns to win. My goal has never been to be just a voice against the hate and the division and the selfishness of what our party has become under Donald Trump. It’s also been the win the nomination and defeat Joe Biden and restore our party and our country to a new place of hope and optimism in this country. I’ve always said that if there came a point in time in this race where I couldn’t see a path to accomplishing that goal, that I would get out. And it’s clear to me tonight that there isn’t a path for me to win the nomination, which is why I’m suspending my campaign tonight for President of the United States.

I know, and I can see it from some of the faces here, that I’m disappointing some people by doing this. People who believe in our message and believe in what we’ve been doing. I also know though it’s the right thing for me to do because I want to promise you this. I’m going to make sure that in no way do I enable Donald Trump to ever be President of the United States again, and that’s more important than my own personal ambition.

So we have to decide now. We have to decide in the next 10 months, who do we want to be as a country? We forget that people are walking thousands of miles still to get here. We talk about the problems in the border and there are problems and we have to fix them, and we have to secure our border, and we have to do it in a way that’s smart and sensible and will work, because it’s not right to have a porous southern border in this country.

But I want you to remember something. Those people who are coming over that border, many of them are walking hundreds if not thousands of miles to get there because here is where they see hope. Here is where they see freedom. Here is where they see success. Here is where they see that flag, which means for them, thousands of miles away in other countries, all of those principles. We are still the indispensable nation for the rest of the world. We need to be the indispensable nation once again to each other. We need to believe in America as much as they believe in America. Right now, they believe in America in a way that this country, angry, divided, with selfish leadership, who puts their own ambition first, isn’t doing for our country anymore. We need to change that, and every election is an opportunity to change it.

We have people in this race, all they will do is tell you how bad everything is, how angry we should be. And there’s certainly sufficient reason for anger at the failures of the leaders we’ve selected, but they’re doing it not for that reason. It’s not a moment of honesty and transparency. Believe me, it’s not. It’s because they believe when we get angry, what we’ll do is naturally relate to the angriest voice in the room.

Donald Trump wants you to be angry every day because he’s angry. He wants you to be angry so that you’ll relate to his anger and then to vote for him. Please understand this. I have known him well for 22 years, more than anybody else in this race has known him, and I can promise you this. If you put him back behind the desk in the Oval Office and the choice comes and the decision is needed to be made as to whether he puts himself first or he puts you first, how much more evidence do you need that he will pick himself? And if that is what we have there, then people are going to remain angry, remain divided, and become even more exhausted than they are today.

The country that I think we should choose is the country that recognizes that our differences have always been our strength, not a weakness. Not something to divide us and anger us, but our differences have been our strength. We’ve come from different countries at different times to different places with different skills, with different religions, and yet only here can those people become an American. Can’t go to Germany and become a German, can’t come to Great Britain and become British, but you can come here and become an American, a real part of this country.

The moment we become a place where people no longer want to come in search of a better, freer, stronger nation, that will be the real problem that will be harder to solve. We back our allies

Around the world and they shouldn’t have to think twice about having America’s support. Yet, we have petty politics interfering with supporting freedom fighters in Ukraine. We have petty politics interfering with defending our friends in Israel. We have petty politics interfering with making sure Taiwan is armed to fight off the Chinese. They use the border as an excuse not to do those things.

How about we have a country where we can do all those things because leadership aspires to something greater? Not to appealing to the lowest common denominator, which is what the leadership of the last decade and a half in the White House has done, including the current president.

We need a country that once again feels like everyone has a stake in what we’re doing, that we can bring people together. It’s hard. It’s hard to do that. I did it for eight years in New Jersey, in a Democratic state with a Republican governor, and it’s hard. Because we have real disagreements, but those disagreements are small compared to the things that we have in common.

But it takes effort. We have to work at it. We have to believe that the other person has a rightful place in our country. We have to believe that whether we agree with them or not, they got elected too and they have a right to have a voice, and to be heard, and to have a vote and to have it count.

This race has always been bigger than me. It’s bigger than any one person if you do it the right way. I tried to change conversation in this race. I tried to force the conversation in this race, the conversation about the real thing that’s going on here. I stood on those debate stages, every one of them. The pundits in the media and the professional politicians who worked for other campaigns said I wasn’t going to make any of them right before every debate. No, Christie won’t make this one. He won’t make this one. I made every one of them.

But when I stood on there, I watched the other candidates arguing with each other as if the race was between us. Pretending as if the guy who’s in front and wasn’t there, wasn’t to be spoken about like Voldemort in the Harry Potter books. He who shall not be named, because they feared even bringing up his name would make him appear with his magical mystical powers to end their political careers. So they say ridiculous things, make ridiculous points.

Let me tell you, if Donald Trump becomes the nominee of this party, the moment that it happened was when Nikki Haley, and Ron DeSantis, and Tim Scott and Mike Pence and Doug Burgum and Vivek Ramaswamy stood on that stage in Milwaukee in August, and when we were asked, would you support someone who is a convicted felon to be President of the United States, they raised their hands. Give Ron credit. He had to look at everybody else first to see if he wanted to raise his hand, but then he raised his hand. Kind of like cheating off somebody’s paper in high school.

They raised their hands and I did not and will not, and I cannot countenance that behavior. I want you to imagine for a second that Jefferson, and Hamilton, and Adams, and Washington and Franklin were sitting here tonight. Do you think they could imagine that the country they risked their lives to create would actually be having a conversation about whether a convicted criminal should be President of the United States? I can’t tell you how many people in New Hampshire have asked me, “Why isn’t there a law against that?” The answer is because nobody ever thought that someone would have the audacity to run for President as a criminal and they never thought that any American electorate would actually support it. It’s not their fault that they didn’t put it in the Constitution along with 35 years old and a natural-born American citizen. They didn’t think let’s throw in here and not a criminal. They thought maybe we’d get that part. We’re going to show them now whether we do or we don’t in the next 10 months. Do we get it or don’t we? I’m out here saying what I’m saying for the last eight months because I didn’t want to take the chance that you might not get it. I wanted to be the voice that was telling you, this is unacceptable. We deserve better.

Now there’s some people who want the courts to save us. It’s not up to the courts to save us. I remember what Benjamin Franklin said, I’m sure many of you do too. When he was walking down the street in Philadelphia after the Constitutional convention and a woman approached him on the street and said, “Mr. Franklin, what kind of government did you give us?” He said to the woman, “A republic, if you can keep it.” Benjamin Franklin’s words were never more relevant in America than they are right now. The last time they were this relevant was the Civil War, which of course we know was caused by slavery. The last time those words were that relevant back in those days, and now we are confronted 160 years later with that question again.

A republic, if we can keep it. It’s up to you. I’ve been running ads all over New Hampshire, ending it saying, “It’s up to you,” and it is. It’s not up to me. I’ve done everything I can and it’s not about me. The other candidates, some of them have made it about them. It’s okay, but you forget that the privilege to serve in public office is not about you, but about the people who give you the privilege, then you lose your way.

So tonight is a sad night for me and for Mary Pat because believe it or not, we really love the people in this state. We loved being here. Both, of our experiences in 2016 and in 2024 and coming to New Hampshire and holding two hour town hall meetings and answering every question has been one of the great joys and honors of our lives. The relationships we’ve made here have been lifelong relationships now that we’re going to keep going forward, no matter what else we do with our lives and our careers.

I look around this room and see so many people who have been to so many of these meetings and have been so wonderfully supportive of us. I’d start to name names, but then I’d screw that up and I’d forget somebody who is really important to us. So I’m not going to do that. You know who you are and you know how much we treasure our relationships with you. But I will mention one person, because she texted

… with me, either last night or this morning. And she said to me, “Please, please don’t drop out. We need you.” And that was our friend Tony Papas. And because I had decided at that moment in my heart, and so had Mary Pat that we were going to, I didn’t respond to you.

Tony Papas (27:27):

I understand.

Chris Christie (27:29):

Because I didn’t want to lie to you. But I turned to Mary Pat and I handed her the phone and showed her. I said, “These are the kind of people that we’re fighting for. The people who believe that what we have to offer is something important and special, and that what we’re talking about matters.” And it meant a lot to me to get that text from you, Tony, because I know that you’ve been through a lot of campaigns here in this state. And to hear from you that you wanted me to stay made me feel guilty, but also made me feel wonderful. And both those feelings can exist at the same time. And I thank you for that. And what Tony, and I pointed out what Tony is represented by a lot of people in this room who we’ve heard from over the last few weeks, and we appreciate it very much.

We appreciate your friendship, your hospitality, your warmth, your questions, your challenges, and everything that you’ve provided to us in this state, both eight years ago and over the last eight months. I’ll just end with this. I believe and have always believed that this is the greatest country That the world has ever seen. And I still believe that today. The phrase “Make America Great Again” has always offended me because it implied that America wasn’t great. America is great. It was great long before those red hats showed up, and it will be great long after they are consigned to history. This country is a great country and the only thing that stops us from having it be greater is our willingness to work hard enough to make it greater.

It is not easy to stand up and fight for what we believe in when the wind is blowing in our face. It is not easy to stand up and fight the loudest voice in the room. It isn’t easy to look at someone who we know is unfit and unable to represent what the heart of this country really is and tell them, ” Thank you for your service. It’s time for you to go home.” But that’s what we need to do in the next 10 months if we are going to keep in concert with the spirit of this country. I don’t know how anybody could want to be President of the United States if they don’t love America. And you cannot love America if you don’t love every American. Love the Americans who look different than you. Love the Americans who speak different than you. Love the Americans who think different than you. Love the Americans who believe and have faith that is different than yours. We have had Donald Trump and other candidates in this race say they don’t want people coming to this country if there’s not of our religion.

We don’t have a religion in America. Our Constitution is founded on there being no national religion. Yet we’re abandoning that too by continuing to respond positively to the siren song of someone who would actually say something like that as a candidate for President of the United States meant to only divide. If we don’t stand for those principles, we will be the generation that gave this country away. I refuse. When I got into this race, I refused. And tonight, even though I’m suspending this campaign, I am not going away and my voice is not going away. And I’m going to continue to say all the things that I’ve said and whatever platforms are permitted to me as we go forward, the very same things and new things that I’m sure I’ll have the opportunity to comment on as we go forward. Because I’m not going to be part of the generation that gives this country away. I am not going to be part of a generation who willingly stands by and says, “It’s too hard. He’s too loud, he’s too strong.”

That’s what defeat looks and sounds like. And the only country that can defeat America is America. And the only people that can stop it are us. So I thank you for the enormous honor to have the chance to run for President of the United States again. I thank you for your time to listen to what I’ve had to say and to give it thought and consideration. I thank you for the opportunity to come into your homes, into your neighbor neighborhoods, into your schools, into your churches, and to be able to make the case for the kind of America that I hope we have. And I thank you most of all for with your attendance at these events for and your questions for continuing to renew my faith in America and Americans.

I love this country because my heart is open to every American and every person who cares about making this a better place. And so while I’m disappointed by the results of this election, I will never be disappointed by the opportunity and experience that I’ve had. And I promise you that in whatever way, Mary Pat and I can figure out, we are going to continue to fight for you and for this country in a way that will make you proud that we met. As I’m proud to have met all of you through this process. So thank you for coming tonight and thank you for all your support. I appreciate it very much.